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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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should not, and those predictions are largely correct. That UVR patterns should center<br />

overwhelmingly on neutralizations <strong>of</strong> vowel height contrasts, with few if any instances <strong>of</strong><br />

systems based on the neutralization <strong>of</strong> front/back, round or ATR contrasts in unstressed<br />

syllables is predicted in the phonologization model, which identifies as the primary<br />

source <strong>of</strong> UVR patterns durational pressures on the articulatory implementation <strong>of</strong> height<br />

contrasts. No such pressure, on the other hand, is known to exist on front/back, rounding,<br />

or ATR contrasts, meaning that UVR involving these should be less likely to arise. That a<br />

contrast <strong>of</strong> vowel nasalization should be neutralized outside stressed syllables, as it is in<br />

Copala Trique, for example, is also predictable, since it is well-known that in many<br />

languages (as noted above for Brazilian Portuguese, where maintaining the contrast<br />

nonetheless seems more important to the categorical phonology than reducing the<br />

durations <strong>of</strong> all unstressed syllables) nasalized vowels are significantly longer than their<br />

oral counterparts. Other theories <strong>of</strong> vowel reduction, such as that advanced in Crosswhite<br />

(2001) fail to predict these typological regularities, in fact even predicting the reverse in<br />

the case <strong>of</strong> contrast-enhancing UVR. The phonologization model, by contrast, both<br />

accounts for typology <strong>of</strong> UVR systems, and in doing so creates the possibility for a much<br />

simpler treatment <strong>of</strong> UVR in the phonology, since the latter is no longer compelled to<br />

duplicate the work <strong>of</strong> phonologization in generating the phonetic naturalness <strong>of</strong><br />

typological patterns.<br />

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