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crosslinguistic voiced counterparts, the subglottal pressure drop “not only inhibits final lengthening, it also appears to induce final shortening”. Given the evidence of the numerous phonetic studies and phonological patterns cited above, the claim that final unstressed vowels (and perhaps stressed as well) are lengthened without any increase in gestural magnitude just cannot be accurate, at the very least in a large number of cases. Though the phonetic studies deal only with a few languages, were this claim true more generally, the Final Resistance patterns discussed above would by all rights not exist. It is my contention here, however, that the two phonetic trends, (final lengthening and a phrase-final drop in subglottal pressure) are not in fact contradictory in synchronic phonetic implementation in any way 89 . . If the defining characteristics of final lengthening are a reduction in gestural stiffness and an increase in the magnitude of certain supralaryngeal gestures (e.g. Cho’s sonority enhancement), then it is not clear what possible detriment to the integrity of this pattern’s implementation could be caused by simultaneous low subglottal pressure (except over time through reinterpretation). That the perceptual consequences of this cooccurrence could result in diachronic implementational changes owing to the lowered perceptual salience of the 89 Where examples of implementationally contradictory phonetic properties would be something like the relationship between nasalization and oral frication, or voicing and turbulent frication downstream, where the realization of the former in each case actually obliterates the phonetic conditions necessary for the implementation of the latter (i.e. a substantial pressure drop across the oral constriction) (Ohala and Ohala 1993). 204
supralaryngeal strengthening in this environment is clear enough, but it is not what is at issue here. The two phenomena can and regularly do coexist within a system, as exemplified by the phrase-final vowels of Russian, exemplified below in (29). (29) Russian phrase-final [rnat] ‘grenade’ 90 - waveform and spectrogram In this phrase-final token of the word /ranata/ ‘grenade’, it is clear that final lengthening occurs 91 . The posttonic vowel, ordinarily among the shortest in a given word, 90 Or potentially ‘pomegranate’, genitive singular. 205
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Positional Neutralization: A Phonol
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Abstract Positional Neutralization:
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Table of Contents Chapter 1. Introd
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3.6.3. Mixed Systems 224 3.6.4. Nas
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Acknowledgements The thanks I owe t
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Chapter 1. Introduction In this stu
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divorced from their phonetic origin
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neutralization such that some combi
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Pure Prominence advocates to assume
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1.1.1.1. Phonetic arbitrariness in
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1.1.2. Phonetically-driven Phonolog
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since it too brings the phonetic fo
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asymmetries are relatively unambigu
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crucial and common to all and adopt
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duration such as unstressed syllabl
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targets for F1). In environments su
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neutralized. Indeed, we would speak
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applying to a single phonological e
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(passim, but especially 1981 and 19
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will treat as the alteration or add
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lengthening, together potentially w
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through four. I conclude that the s
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sort demonstrated in Lindblom (1963
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predictable according to the phonol
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steady across UVR systems, the mapp
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inventories”, the only other opti
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direct result of the phonologizatio
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does not, therefore represent a leg
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question. The point is that the rel
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Another direction might explore the
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monomoraic and bimoraic vowels. Fro
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The preceding sections have shown t
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to perceptual proximity to one anot
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unstressed vowel (Crosswhite 2001:
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Bulgarian has six vowels in stresse
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elsewhere, depending on the informa
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Pettersson and Wood started their i
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discussed below in the context of R
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(known as ‘akanje’, ‘[a]-sayi
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neutralization occurring as a resul
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eduction of pretonic vowels as a si
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2.4. A UG-based approach to UVR typ
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formants to approach and enhance on
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Steriade in particular, in her semi
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emoval of “particularly loud and
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attract stress to sonorous vowels,
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which it is a priori impossible to
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Again, since the low vowel of preto
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If it is correct that, however, tha
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2.5.1. Facts Contemporary Standard
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compared to /a/, he writes that “
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tendency for domain-initial segment
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Each instance of the failure of red
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sentences was a real-word trisyllab
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(10) Russian second pretonic /a/, /
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vowel, and phrase-final position),
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phonetic implementations as a funct
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lengthening of vowels in first pret
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story of articulatory approximation
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pretonic syllables, however, only o
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unstressed /e/ toward [u], finally
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phonetic and phonological perspecti
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should not, and those predictions a
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position as a licenser of contrasts
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insofar as we have seen how positio
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elevant to the present study for th
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effect which is potentially univers
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word-final syllables. Still, the pr
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to be restricted in many languages
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their realizations, determined by b
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(17) Hausa medial short vowels a. [
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Penny (1969: 148-149) gives the vow
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To this we can add facts from neigh
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notion of umlaut or metaphony being
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dialects, Walker notes the differen
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position in the way that, e.g., ret
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is illustrative, but by no means ex
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d. Brazilian Portuguese (Romance) (
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h. English (Germanic)(Hammond 1997)
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hence subphonemic durational featur
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n. Timugon Murut (Austronesian, NE
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Page 167 and 168: the ends of phrases. They hypothesi
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Page 171 and 172: With respect to the syllable-struct
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Page 179 and 180: asymmetry plays a role as well. In
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Page 183 and 184: internal unstressed syllables in th
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Page 187 and 188: syllable vowel (that which appeared
Page 189 and 190: unified phonologization scenario ac
Page 191 and 192: As for the non-high vowels in preto
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Page 197 and 198: schwa in normal speech (1993: 38).
Page 199 and 200: environment, deriving a number of d
Page 201 and 202: are responsible for the phonologica
Page 203 and 204: section). A second generalization w
Page 205 and 206: latter case the same feature is imp
Page 207 and 208: well-known, for example, that short
Page 209 and 210: language Dasenech (Sasse 1976), wou
Page 211 and 212: Another possibility is that devoici
Page 213: contexts, however, h-epenthesis is
Page 217 and 218: inherently problematic from a produ
Page 219 and 220: lengthening in Dutch by Cambier-Lan
Page 221 and 222: contradictions this entails describ
Page 223 and 224: preceding consonants, etc.). It see
Page 225 and 226: Gordon and Ladefoged mention alloph
Page 227 and 228: In other words, the creak appears o
Page 229 and 230: phrase-final devoicing seems to be
Page 231 and 232: targeted, and hence realized as glo
Page 233 and 234: their common properties, restoring
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Page 237 and 238: (Brame 1972), and D’irayta (Haywa
Page 239 and 240: monolithic weakening environment. H
Page 241 and 242: Another study, in fact, that of Vas
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Page 245 and 246: The same pattern is found in anothe
Page 247 and 248: lengthening-plus-intrinsic-nasaliza
Page 249 and 250: commonly enough resolved with glott
Page 251 and 252: nasal consonant, and the vowel rema
Page 253 and 254: . Ongota (affiliation uncertain - C
Page 255 and 256: combination of phonetic strengtheni
Page 257 and 258: mentioned. Often deletion is preced
Page 259 and 260: f. Kandahari Pashto (Elfenbein 1997
Page 261 and 262: for some speakers of Brazilian Port
Page 263 and 264: discussion of devoicing, above, tha
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(36) Russian phrase-final [blot] 's
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drastically decreased, as an alread
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lengthening the latter parts of the
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Avoidance of length contrasts word-
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While the non-finality of stress ap
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points out the case of Luganda (Hym
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syllables are apparently required t
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with non-modal phonation or devoici
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3.7.2. Final short vowel avoidance
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generally between 95 and 125 in the
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e considered from a crosslinguistic
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Chapter 4. Initial Syllables Domain
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know of the relevant phonetic facts
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lengthening or lowering the sonorit
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asymmetries it carries, is what Smi
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phonological licensing in question
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eason to favor the one strategy ove
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Before turning to the attested case
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initial consonant serves to enhance
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existence of the former, and I will
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since the majority of phonological
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eduction to schwa in Russian and in
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assumption that in providing a comp
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initial and non-initial vowels from
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durational asymmetry was absent alt
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low mid vowels to become unpredicta
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of the typology of initial-syllable
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there could in principle be a phone
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ackness of non-initial vowels is ge
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fricatives, which in retrospect may
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(44) Mean vowel durations for Engli
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initial strengthening in languages
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Word-initial: U[Phr[istanbuldaki W[
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syllables than the other speakers.
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Concerning the language-specific na
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4.5.3. Consequences of domain-initi
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All these cases, while not in fact
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in chapter 2, however, among the un
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advice for teachers of non-standard
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Inkelas et al. (2001), building on
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demonstrated above, however, initia
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Assuming now that Vowels 1 and 2 in
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This account derives palatal vowel
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vowels in Luganda and Runyambo. Hub
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the UVR systems of Yakan, Timugon M
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4.6. Summary In this chapter I have
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why we find such systems in Turkic
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Chapter 5. Conclusions 5.1. Phonolo
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perfectly understandable in the pho
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as the durational asymmetries in qu
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model of phonetics-phonology incorp
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of effort necessary to reach a low
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(specified by Minimum Distance cons
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duration for /a/~/o/ in this positi
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unstressed syllables in a given lan
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patterns such as those treated in t
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References Abondolo, Daniel. 1998a.
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Balasubramanian, T. 1981. Duration
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Blevins, Juliette. 1993. A tonal an
Page 383 and 384:
Browman, Catherine P. and Louis Gol
Page 385 and 386:
Chen, Matthew. 1973. Nasals and nas
Page 387 and 388:
Dauer, Rebecca M. 1987. Phonetic an
Page 389 and 390:
Farnetani, Edda and Shiro Kori. 199
Page 391 and 392:
Garrett, Andrew and Juliette Blevin
Page 393 and 394:
Hayes, Bruce. 1997. Phonetically-dr
Page 395 and 396:
Hyde, Villiana. 1971. An introducti
Page 397 and 398:
Janiak, BronisΩawa. 1995. Polsko-U
Page 399 and 400:
Keating, Patricia, Richard Wright a
Page 401 and 402:
Kroeger, Paul. 1992. Vowel harmony
Page 403 and 404:
Liphola, Marcelino M. 2001. Aspects
Page 405 and 406:
Miller, Carolyn. 1993 Kadazan/Dusun
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Nord, Lennart. 1987. Acoustic studi
Page 409 and 410:
Penny, Ralph. 1986. Sandhi phenomen
Page 411 and 412:
Rietveld, A. C. M. and U. H. Frauen
Page 413 and 414:
Schuh, Russell G. and Lawan D. Yalw
Page 415 and 416:
Steriade, Donca. 2001. Directional
Page 417 and 418:
Tuttle, Siri. 2000. Duration, inton
Page 419 and 420:
Wolgemuth, Carl. 1969. Isthmus Vera
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