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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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asymmetry plays a role as well. In the final lengthening case, while the duration <strong>of</strong> the<br />

domain-final syllable increases in some cases quite significantly, this does not mean that<br />

the domain-internal syllables in the word are made in any way durationally deficient. On<br />

the contrary, they are as long (or short) as they would be in any other token <strong>of</strong> the same<br />

word at the same rate <strong>of</strong> speech, such that their non-final status alone does not cause them<br />

to be realized with a duration which would in any way compromise them articulatorily or<br />

perceptually. There is even evidence from a number <strong>of</strong> studies (e.g. Berkovits 1993,<br />

Cambier-Langeveld 1999) that phrase-final lengthening <strong>of</strong>ten increases to some extent at<br />

least the durations <strong>of</strong> segments in the word prior to the final syllables as well, though<br />

such lengthening decreases in magnitude as distance from the boundary increases.<br />

Nonetheless, this failure <strong>of</strong> the process to single out the final syllable as the unique locus<br />

<strong>of</strong> additional durational prominence would serve to decrease the likelihood that the<br />

effects <strong>of</strong> such an asymmetry would ultimately become categorical through<br />

phonologization.<br />

The asymmetry in the stressed/unstressed case, on the other hand, is quite<br />

different. In most systems <strong>of</strong> phonological vowel reduction, it is not merely that the<br />

stressed syllable is longer than the unstressed syllables, but rather that the unstressed<br />

syllables (or some subset there<strong>of</strong>) are actually durationally contracted, or realized with<br />

durations sufficiently short regardless to cause articulatory undershoot (see Chapter 2 -<br />

169

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