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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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when following voiced consonants or phonemic glottal stop, while following voiceless<br />

consonants they are “extremely brief and more or less devoiced”, especially after<br />

sibilants, where they are all but inaudible. Varying laryngeal settings can even be<br />

distributed according to sociolinguistic criteria, as in the famous case <strong>of</strong> Koasati<br />

(Muskogean, Kimball 1991), in which in the speech <strong>of</strong> men, final vowels are all<br />

“prolonged”, while in the speech <strong>of</strong> women a final glottal stop is inserted after the vowel<br />

(with laxing <strong>of</strong> final high vowels) 100 .<br />

Often the distribution <strong>of</strong> devoicing and glottalization serves to distinguish final<br />

long vowels from final short vowels (a contrast which, as described below, is otherwise<br />

prone to collapse in final position). Hyman notes that in most languages with final glottal<br />

stop insertion, the process only applies after a short vowel (assuming a contrast, though in<br />

collapsed systems the quantity-neutralized glottalized vowel is generally short<br />

phonetically as well). The long vowel in these systems usually remains untouched, as in<br />

Hausa, where according to Carnochan it “just dies away” (Carnochan 1988) 101 , or in<br />

Luiseño (Hyde 1991), where short stressed vowels have a “clipped” quality, where longs<br />

and unstressed vowels do not 102 . I have not found any system in which the short vowel is<br />

glottalized and the long vowel partially (but significantly) devoiced. Such a system could<br />

100<br />

Men will also choose glottal stop insertion from time to time, apparently when they wish to be “precise”.<br />

101<br />

A small set <strong>of</strong> long-vowel-final words in Hausa is also realized with final glottal stop, though they do<br />

not neutralize durationally with the short vowels (Newman and Van Heuven 1981).<br />

102<br />

It seems likely that the unstressed shorts must have or have had some allophonic glottalization as well,<br />

just not even to sound “clipped”, as would, e.g. a phonologically inserted glottal stop.<br />

225

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