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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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applying to a single phonological entity, the output <strong>of</strong> which is two distinct, narrowly-<br />

specified phonetic distributions, and a phonological process changing the categorical<br />

feature specification <strong>of</strong> a given phonological entity in a given context such that the two<br />

resulting phonological representations are realized as two distinct, narrowly-specified<br />

phonetic distributions? In other words, how can we distinguish /a/ -> /a/ -[a] in stressed<br />

syllables and /a/ -> /a/ - [] in unstressed from /a/ -> /a/ -[a] in stressed syllables and /a/ -<br />

> // -[] in unstressed? If /a/ and // contrast underlying and have identical distributions<br />

in the syllables in question, the process must be assumed to be phonologically<br />

neutralizing. If there is no underlying //, however, the situation becomes ambiguous, and<br />

is not, I argue, resolvable through an appeal to phonetic distributions. In such situations<br />

we must consider the process to involve changes in phonological feature specifications<br />

only in such case as the output specification can be shown to be phonologically relevant<br />

to some other process. Where there is no evidence that the features in question are<br />

phonologically relevant (for the linguist and the learner alike), there is no reason to<br />

assume that any change in the category membership <strong>of</strong> the phonological entity in<br />

question has taken place. If /a/, for example, is realized as something like [] in<br />

unstressed syllables and the process is non-neutralizing, we can assume either that the<br />

phonetic targets for /a/ in unstressed syllables are such that it is realized phonetically as<br />

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