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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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Another consideration in the Benue-Congo cases <strong>of</strong> initial-syllable strength<br />

effects is the morphological status <strong>of</strong> the initial syllable. In the cases <strong>of</strong> the Bantoid Tiv<br />

(Pulleyblank 1988) and the Ogoni Gokana (Hyman 1982) cited by Steriade 1994, the<br />

initial syllable which determines the specifications <strong>of</strong> [high], [low], and [round] (Tiv) and<br />

[nasal] (Gokana) <strong>of</strong> the vowels <strong>of</strong> following syllables is the stem-initial syllable <strong>of</strong> the<br />

verb. This syllable is also historically the root in both cases, with following syllables<br />

being suffixes etymologically at least, though probably not analyzably so in all cases in<br />

synchrony (Hyman, p.c.). It is not clear whether it is the psycholinguistic status <strong>of</strong> the<br />

root which allows it to license more contrasts than do affixes, or if this too can be<br />

ascribed to phonetics (through the weakening <strong>of</strong> segmental material in affixes as they<br />

become increasingly bound prosodically to roots or stems). In this case it may well be a<br />

combination <strong>of</strong> both, or the phonetic effect may be a direct consequence <strong>of</strong> the<br />

psycholinguistic facts. Whatever the reason, it quite possible that the status <strong>of</strong> the initial<br />

syllable in these cases as the etymological verb root has more to do with the development<br />

<strong>of</strong> the relevant licensing asymmetries than does the initialness <strong>of</strong> syllables in question per<br />

se.<br />

344

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