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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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types <strong>of</strong> position-specific constraints which can be formulated by the grammar. The<br />

typological patterns we wish to account for here flow directly from the categorical<br />

phonological grammar, and as Smith argues, since the constraints in question have the<br />

entire initial syllable as their domain, should in principle hold for all elements within that<br />

domain equally. This is not the case, which the psycholinguistically-based phonology<br />

model fails to predict. The phonetically-based phonologization model, on the other hand,<br />

predicts precisely the attested asymmetry, whether the phonetic patterns in question<br />

ultimately have psycholinguistic motivations (as is potentially the case with initial<br />

strengthening) or are general properties <strong>of</strong> motor systems linguistic and non-linguistic (as<br />

with final lengthening).<br />

Smith discusses domain-initial strengthening in the context <strong>of</strong> determining the<br />

precise domain to be referred to by the phonological constraints producing positional<br />

licensing asymmetries. She decides ultimately on the morphological word rather than the<br />

prosodic word for a number <strong>of</strong> reasons. The first and most important <strong>of</strong> these is that<br />

initial-strengthening is phonetic, and hence “cannot be directly related to true initial-<br />

syllable augmentation effects, which are phonological” (Smith 2002: 312). The gradience<br />

and interspeaker variability in implementation <strong>of</strong> initial strengthening distinguish it from,<br />

for example, categorical prohibitions on onsets above a given sonority level. Likewise,<br />

the fact that initial strengthening is stronger in the higher prosodic domains is troubling,<br />

294

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