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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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unstressed syllables in a given language implies that at some level <strong>of</strong> statistical<br />

generalization the durational value for unstressed vowels is such that they are forced by<br />

constraint ranking either to violate Minimum Distance constraints or to submit to<br />

neutralizations. Again, this means that in spite <strong>of</strong> the phonologization <strong>of</strong> the pattern <strong>of</strong><br />

neutralization, the connection <strong>of</strong> the process to phonetic reality is alive and functional.<br />

With this in mind, consider a scenario in which the language to underwent some change<br />

to its prosodic system such that the durational asymmetry between stressed and<br />

unstressed syllables were to even out (e.g., if the language were to switch from strongly-<br />

duration-cued to non-duration-cued or less-duration-cued stress) 139 . We would now<br />

predict that once the mean realization <strong>of</strong> the durations <strong>of</strong> unstressed vowels came to<br />

exceed whatever threshold would allow Minimum Distance constraints to be satisfied<br />

properly again, the contrasts between unstressed vowels which were previously<br />

neutralized should emerge again unscathed, as if nothing ever happened. In other words,<br />

were Russian suddenly to adopt the durational targets for unstressed syllables <strong>of</strong> Polish,<br />

akanje should disappear without a trace, unstressed /o/ restored to its fully contrastive<br />

realization. I know <strong>of</strong> no such attested development.<br />

139<br />

As in fact I argue to have taken place in Timugon Murut in chapter three, where in TM pretonic syllables<br />

/a/ is not realized as schwa, while in related neighboring languages it is (and apparently was in TM at an<br />

earlier period as well).<br />

363

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