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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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predictable according to the phonologization approach, while in other theories they<br />

remain mysterious.<br />

2.1.1. Vowel height contrasts<br />

Turning first to the neutralization <strong>of</strong> height contrasts, these are far and away the<br />

most commonly-effaced contrasts in systems <strong>of</strong> unstressed vowel reduction, forming the<br />

basis <strong>of</strong> virtually all the well-known Romance and Slavic systems noted above. A<br />

commonly cited example comes from Central Eastern Catalan, shown in (3).<br />

(3) Central Eastern Catalan (Beckman 1998, Prieto 1992, Recasens 1991)<br />

Stressed -> Unstressed<br />

i -> i<br />

e, , a -> <br />

u, o, -> u<br />

riw 'river' riwt 'river, dim.'<br />

new 'snow' nwt 'snow, dim.'<br />

ml 'honey' mlt 'honey, dim.'<br />

pal 'shovel' plt 'shovel, dim.'<br />

r 'wheel' ruet 'wheel, dim.'<br />

mon 'monkey, fem . munt 'monkey, fem. dim.'<br />

kur 'cure' kurt 'cure, dim.'<br />

In Central Eastern Catalan, stressed syllables license contrasts within a seven-<br />

vowel inventory /i, e, , a, , o, u/, while unstressed syllables license contrasts among<br />

37

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