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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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part <strong>of</strong> their duration 107 . This is true regardless <strong>of</strong> the preceding consonant’s identity,<br />

though after nasals it is stronger. It is also stronger, for whatever reason, following<br />

palatalized consonants. Stressed vowels for the most part nasalize over less <strong>of</strong> their<br />

duration than unstressed vowels (Krakow 1993: 102-105 reports also experimental<br />

studies on the effect <strong>of</strong> stress on velum position, in which for one speaker at least low and<br />

high vowels had a lower velum position when stressed than when unstressed. For another<br />

speaker, however, high vowels had a higher velum under stress, while for low vowels the<br />

velum was lower - suggesting local hyperarticulation <strong>of</strong> sort documented by de Jong<br />

1995). The effect is non-neutralizing, as Russian lacks contrastive vowel nasalization.<br />

This pattern is also attested in Cherokee (which has an underlying nasal //), in<br />

which all vowels are nasalized prepausally (Walker 1975, Whalen and Beddor 1989).<br />

Likewise Aikhenvald (1996: 512) lists the following languages as having the areally-<br />

common feature <strong>of</strong> “nasal pause” (word- or phrase-final vowel nasalization): Pirahã<br />

(Mura-Pirahã), Irantxe (affiliation uncertain), Rikbaktsa (Macro-Gê), Xeta (Tupí-<br />

Guaraní), Assuriní (Tupí-Guaraní), Tapirape (Tupí-Guaraní). She notes phonetic<br />

nasalization utterance-finally in Jarawara (Arawá).<br />

These latter systems may provide evidence supporting the phrase-final phonetic<br />

weakening hypothesis, in that they affect all the vowels <strong>of</strong> the relevant system, while the<br />

107 As, perplexingly, are vowels realized between two palatalized consonants.<br />

236

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