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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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Gordon and Ladefoged mention allophonic phrase-final and phrase-initial<br />

glottalization as cues to prosodic constituency, but make no mention <strong>of</strong> any potential<br />

contradiction in these two phonetic environments. Comparing the two, the higher pitch<br />

and subglottal pressure associated with the beginnings <strong>of</strong> phrases is well-suited to the<br />

tightly-adducted-vocal-folds implementation <strong>of</strong> creak. In initial position, Gordon and<br />

Ladefoged also note that glottalization is greater on accented syllables than on<br />

unaccented (Pierrehumbert 1995, Dilley et al. 1996).<br />

As concerns our phrase-final syllables, however, the relevant phonetic properties<br />

seen so far have been the exact opposite <strong>of</strong> this: all things being equal phrase-final<br />

position is associated with lowered pitch, lowered subglottal pressure, and the syllables<br />

that most concern us are unstressed. Compare the two Russian phrase-final words in (31)<br />

and (32), one with final stress, and one with medial. The unstressed final vowel (bottom)<br />

is clearly creaky throughout, while the stressed vowel (top) is modal for at least 120 ms,<br />

becoming increasingly breathy thereafter, with no creak to be found.<br />

215

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