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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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d. Brazilian Portuguese (Romance) (Major 1981, 1985, Noble and Ingemann<br />

1987, Simões 1991, Wetzels 1992)<br />

Maximal (oral vowel) inventory: /i, e, , a, , o, u/<br />

Reduction processes: Pretonic syllables - /e, / -> [e], /o, / -> [o]<br />

Posttonic syllables - /i, e/ -> [i] /u, o/ -> [u]<br />

Resistance: For some speakers the second degree <strong>of</strong> reduction (posttonic high-mid<br />

neutralization) does not take place in prepausal word-final vowels (Major 1985: 266-<br />

267).<br />

Conditions: The pretonic mid-vowel neutralization is categorical (non-rate dependent,<br />

not reversible in careful speech. The posttonic reduction is gradient (rate dependent,<br />

reversible in careful speech). Major 1985 suggests that for those speakers whose<br />

lengthened prepausal final vowels reduce nonetheless, posttonic reduction too has<br />

become “lexical”. In casual speech, pretonic high and mid vowels are optionally<br />

subject to the same (gradient) reduction as posttonic vowels (Major 1985: 266)<br />

e. Eastern Mari (Finno-Ugric) (Sebeok and Ingemann 1961, Flemming 1993,<br />

Kangasmaa-Minn 1998, Majors 1998)<br />

Inventory: Full: /i, y, e, ø, a, o, u/ Reduced: //<br />

Reduction: Stress falls on the rightmost (underived) full vowel <strong>of</strong> the word. Words<br />

containing only reduced vowels take the default initial stress. Only the reduced vowel<br />

occurs in non-final posttonic syllables.<br />

Harmony: Posttonic vowels harmonize with the stressed vowel in backness and<br />

roundness. Final (non-low) vowels do so in a categorical, neutralizing fashion. Nonfinal<br />

reduced vowels have variants with allophonic fronting and rounding in<br />

agreement with the stressed vowel.<br />

Final strength effects: . No short (reduced) vowels surface word-finally (Flemming<br />

1993). Results in alternations, whereby root-final or suffix mid vowels surface as<br />

reduced when appearing non-finally. I class this with resistance to reduction effects in<br />

that all posttonic vowels save those in word-final open syllables are realized as<br />

schwa. The disallowing <strong>of</strong> short word-final vowels, on the other hand, results in the<br />

neutralization <strong>of</strong> potential full vs. reduced contrasts 62 .<br />

62<br />

No contrasts, however, are preferentially preserved in this position, as final unreduced mid-vowels<br />

harmonize with the earlier stressed vowel. In light <strong>of</strong> this, Eastern Mari does not seem to exhibit strong<br />

licensing <strong>of</strong> any kind word-finally, pace Steriade 1994.<br />

145

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