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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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. Kullo (Omotic: Allan 1976): Word-final /a/ is raised to [] (except, apparently, in the<br />

infinitive forms <strong>of</strong> verbs). Non-neutralizing.<br />

c. Iban (Sea Dayak) (Omar 1981): /u/ has a tendency to unround to [] in word-final<br />

syllables, where some free variation with /o/ also occurs. Potentially neutralizing.<br />

d. Brok-skad (Dardic, Sharma 1998): /e/ is realized as [] word-finally. /a/ is realized as<br />

schwa especially word-finally (though also apparently elsewhere), and <strong>of</strong>ten elided in<br />

rapid speech, "particularly as a case-marker". Non-neutralizing<br />

e. Maithili (Jha 2001): unstressed final syllables contain only [i, u, o, ]. Short [, æ, ,<br />

a] do not appear. Neutralizing.<br />

fail to undergo reduction patterns affecting all other unstressed syllables (as exemplified by Seediq, Yakan,<br />

numerous Murutic and Dusunic languages, and potentially Shimakonde, Niemirova Polish and even<br />

perhaps Neo-Aramaic). The prediction then should be that fixed penultimate languages in which final<br />

syllables resist reduction should not have strongly duration-cued stress (at least as concerns the relationship<br />

between the syllables <strong>of</strong> the head foot; obviously some <strong>of</strong> the languages listed above (e.g. Seediq, with<br />

optional deletion <strong>of</strong> many pretonic vowels) appear to implement a good deal <strong>of</strong> shortening <strong>of</strong> pretonic<br />

syllables. Empirical testing <strong>of</strong> this prediction would no doubt yield interesting results.<br />

248

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