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The doctrines of Good Taste<br />

BÁRTOLO, Carlos / MA / IHA/FCSH Universi<strong>da</strong>de Nova de Lisboa + Universi<strong>da</strong>de Lusía<strong>da</strong> de Lisboa / Portugal<br />

Portugal / Propagan<strong>da</strong> / Nationalism / Education / Identity<br />

This paper try to analyse the Good Taste Campaign (Portugal,<br />

1940’s) and understand how it was generated and produced: the<br />

intentions, sources and influences supporting it; how it derived<br />

from these usually irreconcilable concepts (modern and tradition);<br />

and, despite the authoritarian background, its decisive consequences<br />

on the present Portuguese identity and in the formation<br />

of the discipline, as probably the most successfully implemented<br />

Portuguese national Design policy.<br />

1. An original regime<br />

It’s expected of an authoritarian regime, as Portugal was after May<br />

28th 1926, the formulation of a set of values that should rule the<br />

country and maintain its strength and perpetuity.<br />

This essay, part of my PhD research on the dictatorship idealization<br />

of a Portuguese Home concept, try to survey how the formulation<br />

and promotion of these political, moral and social values interconnected<br />

with the Design emergence in 1930’s and 1940’s Portugal.<br />

The military coup d’état of 1926 was the outcome of an extended<br />

political crisis led by the failure on the implementation and stabilization<br />

of a liberal and democratic system experienced since the<br />

monarchy exactly one hundred years before. This coup was part<br />

of a European predisposition, between the wars, for political extremism<br />

from which derived the birth of authoritarian regimes all<br />

throughout the continent.<br />

In Portugal, after a brief and equally unstable beginning, the regime<br />

found its pace under the authority of António Salazar (1889-1970),<br />

a conservative catholic economy professor, invited in 1928 to<br />

straighten out the acute national debt as an all-powerful Finance<br />

Minister; he gradually secured a more prominent role in the government<br />

until he arose to the position of Prime Minister in 1932.<br />

With the ratification of the 1933 Constitution (establishing the<br />

power on a corporative regime entitled Estado Novo [New State]),<br />

Salazar held his position as a de facto dictator, balancing out the<br />

different factions of the Portuguese far right. For the equilibrium of<br />

these forces (from the poles of the ancien régime Monarchists to<br />

the pro-fascists National-Syndicalists) Salazar, himself a Conservative<br />

Catholic close to the Integralist-Lusitan movement, created a<br />

single-party regime. He brought together the reactionaries with<br />

the authoritarian moderns while also answering to the yearnings<br />

of different society sectors (the high-rank military, the old rural<br />

landowners, the arising industry monopolists and the crescent<br />

administrative middle-class) against a unique enemy: the socialliberal-democratic<br />

system (Rosas, 1989).<br />

Regarded in the broadest sense as fascist, Estado Novo differentiated<br />

itself from other contemporary systems as an original hybrid<br />

regime that, trying to modernize a still underdeveloped country,<br />

simultaneously kept it lost in a glorified, bucolic and pious past.<br />

Salazar, a somewhat non-charismatic and reluctant crowd pleaser,<br />

sought to incarnate a stoic persona that carried out the divine duty<br />

of fathering the country, giving up his personal freedom and happiness<br />

in the name of the Nation (Rivero, 2010).<br />

To maintain this unquestionable power Estado Novo promoted nationalistic<br />

ideals based on the celebration of its history, ethnical<br />

uniqueness and global mission as stan<strong>da</strong>rd in authoritarian regimes<br />

regardless of their politic faction. This example of a dynamic<br />

revolution tried to recreate a modern national identity moulded on<br />

the traditional world of the bonhomous peasant, allegory of sanctioned<br />

values, and on the culmination of decades of nationalistic<br />

exaltation and of an artistic and ethnographic identity quest (in<br />

everything similar to other European movements developed since<br />

the end of 19th century). The most effective method for this identity<br />

implementation was the previous indoctrination of established<br />

truths that should irrefutably prevail and suppress opposing truths.<br />

2. A cultural policy<br />

The SPN/SNI 1 creation in 1933 filled this need of indoctrination; a<br />

propagan<strong>da</strong> service had become an important tool for governments<br />

and a crucial one at an authoritarian regime. While refusing<br />

the idea of modernity, ironically it would be through these<br />

modern instruments that the regime would publicize its ideology.<br />

‘Propagan<strong>da</strong> emerged as a fun<strong>da</strong>mental strategy of the society acceptance<br />

of itself, and presented as revelation of its own «core»’ 2<br />

(Melo, 2001: 54).<br />

Until 1949 SPN/SNI was run by António Ferro (1895-1956), a cosmopolitan<br />

writer associated with the Portuguese and European<br />

modernist and futurist milieu since his youth 3 .<br />

1 SPN-Secretariado de Propagan<strong>da</strong> Nacional [National Propagan<strong>da</strong> Bureau]. In<br />

1945, on the aftermath of World War II, and probably due to the negative connotation<br />

of the term propagan<strong>da</strong>, it would be renamed SNI-Secretariado Nacional de<br />

Informação, Cultura Popular e Turismo [National Bureau of Information, Popular<br />

Culture and Tourism].<br />

2 This quotation, as the others, is a free translation by the author.<br />

3 In 1915, with just 19 years old he was editor of Orpheu, the avant-garde<br />

magazine that laid the foun<strong>da</strong>tions of the Portuguese modernist movement with<br />

Fernando Pessoa, Mário de Sá-Carneiro and Alma<strong>da</strong> Negreiros, among others.<br />

António Ferro wrote novels, poems and plays (some of which created some public<br />

outrage) while working as journalists for various newspapers and magazines. As<br />

an international reporter he interviewed personalities like d’Annunzio, Maurras,<br />

Pétain, Rivera, Mussolini and even Hitler but also Cocteau, Mistinguett or Poiret.<br />

Politically he began as a Republican Party sympathizer, evolving to the Sidonists<br />

(authoritarian modern) and the Conservative Republicans, while gradually admiring<br />

the contemporary authoritarian regimes, especially Mussolini’s. In 1932 when<br />

interviewing Salazar they discussed the political role of the culture; months later<br />

his political career began when invited to SPN.<br />

Design Frontiers: Territiories, Concepts, Technologies / Proceedings of the 8th Conference of the International Committee for<br />

Design History & Design Studies - ICDHS 2012 / São Paulo, Brazil / © 2012 <strong>Blucher</strong> / ISBN 978-85-212-0692-7

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