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narratives of three generations of urban middle-class - eTheses ...

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Photo-4: Illustrates second generation homosocial gathering and their bearing <strong>of</strong> marital<br />

symbols<br />

[Source: Dola Banerjee’s personal album]<br />

There are other women who are sceptical <strong>of</strong> the religious significance <strong>of</strong> such rituals but<br />

cannot also deny completely, the semiotic value <strong>of</strong> such marital signs as “meaningconstitutive<br />

traditions” (Gross, 2005: 288) which involve patterns <strong>of</strong> sense-making<br />

transmitted from one generation to the next. Third generation Tanya says,<br />

“I am not a ‘big fan’ <strong>of</strong> wearing shnidur but since I have always seen Ma (her<br />

mother) wear it and how important she holds it for her love for Bapi (her father), it<br />

feels a little ‘strange’ for me not to wear it at all. Moreover being newlywed it is a<br />

little ‘odd’ to immediately break familiar taken-for-granted marital traditions in inlaws’<br />

presence. So I just wear it like a very small ‘dot’ so that it cannot be easily<br />

visible. That way you take care <strong>of</strong> all sentiments! (Expresses contentment on her<br />

face)”<br />

This narrative brings out the concept <strong>of</strong> self as embedded within one’s habitus; in <strong>class</strong>culture,<br />

family relations and traditions (Smart, 2007: 188) and as constituted by shared<br />

generational meanings that pose limits to the self’s unbounded creativity and agency<br />

which the individualization thesis seems to unproblematically champion (Jamieson,<br />

247

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