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narratives of three generations of urban middle-class - eTheses ...

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<strong>of</strong> which he ‘proposed’ me and we started ‘dating’ and ‘going around’ ‘<strong>of</strong>ficially’<br />

as ‘girlfriend’ and ‘boyfriend’. All this while we have been friends and will remain<br />

so even after marriage, if we are to be ‘truly modern’ and not just ‘pretend’ to be<br />

‘modern’. It is really a ‘stupid thing’ to shift from ‘tui’ to ‘tumi’ just after marriage. It<br />

is bhishon gaiya ar shekele (extremely rural and backdated), like traditional<br />

shwami shree natok (traditional theatrics <strong>of</strong> husband-wife conjugality). It reminds<br />

me <strong>of</strong> ‘premik premikar ga gulono nyaka prem’ (sickly antics <strong>of</strong> lovers’ romance)<br />

like ogo shunchho [expresses exasperation on face]. Seriously, I just can’t<br />

imagine telling Rahul ‘ami tomake bhalobashi’ (I love you). It is ‘too gaiya and<br />

backdated’. I would rather tell him ‘I love you’. Also many <strong>of</strong> our friends think that<br />

‘tumi’ elevates a conjugal relation to deeper romance but who says there is no<br />

romance between Rahul and me? People <strong>of</strong>ten make fun <strong>of</strong> us but they are<br />

extremely traditional and conservative. Sometimes in their presence, especially if<br />

they are elders, we refrain from calling each other anything or to avoid<br />

controversies, just call each other as ‘you’ and at times perform to call each other<br />

‘tumi’ in order to avoid criticisms that our’s is a flimsy conjugality or I disrespect<br />

my husband and all sorts <strong>of</strong> ‘meaningless nonsense’!”<br />

These <strong>narratives</strong> illustrate how in specific interactional situations <strong>middle</strong>-<strong>class</strong> structure<br />

and code <strong>of</strong> intimacy are maintained and modified. These also demonstrate the social<br />

accountability <strong>of</strong> ‘doing gender’ (West and Zimmerman, 1987) and <strong>of</strong> doing <strong>class</strong><br />

(Bourdieu, 1984; Lawler, 1999; Skeggs, 1997) through doing intimacy. ‘Practices <strong>of</strong><br />

intimacy’ (Jamieson, 2011) do not simply exist in the social world as a structure,<br />

imposing itself on individuals as ‘cultural dopes’ depicted in structural functionalism<br />

(Garfinkel, 1967). ‘Practices’ (Morgan, 2011) in ‘practicing intimacy’ rather imply actively<br />

negotiated meaning by meaning-making individuals (Hall, 1997a) in the microprocesses<br />

<strong>of</strong> everyday life. G<strong>of</strong>fman’s ‘dramaturgy’ (1959) is highly relevant in<br />

Anandita’s narrative <strong>of</strong> performing intimacy at different ‘stages’ <strong>of</strong> the everyday<br />

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