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narratives of three generations of urban middle-class - eTheses ...

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it” (Mennell, 1987: 389-390). It is interesting to note that although educated <strong>middle</strong>-<strong>class</strong><br />

taste and distinction underplayed the importance <strong>of</strong> economic capital over cultural and<br />

symbolic capital in most <strong>of</strong> their <strong>narratives</strong>, economic capital was definitely an indicator<br />

<strong>of</strong> one’s status and respectability in society. The important consideration is whether this<br />

economic capital is spent on ‘tasteful’ and ‘refined’ artifacts and other cultural<br />

representations that mark <strong>of</strong>f <strong>class</strong> distinctions (Bourdieu, 1984).<br />

Stories that compulsively expressed the desire for maintaining abhijato taste for<br />

maintaining <strong>class</strong> distinction are not exhaustive <strong>of</strong> other stories within the same <strong>urban</strong><br />

<strong>middle</strong>-<strong>class</strong> society. Many subjects within this <strong>class</strong> fall in between the values <strong>of</strong> a<br />

hedonistic new <strong>middle</strong>-<strong>class</strong> culture and the more restrained values <strong>of</strong> ‘traditional’ elite<br />

<strong>middle</strong>-<strong>class</strong>. In adopting both the restrained elitism <strong>of</strong> <strong>middle</strong>-<strong>class</strong> culture and the<br />

conspicuous consumption <strong>of</strong> the new <strong>middle</strong>-<strong>class</strong>, subjects destabilize the hegemonic<br />

codes <strong>of</strong> <strong>class</strong> distinction and trouble and claimed dichotomy <strong>of</strong> the self and the other.<br />

In fact, many subjects perform multiple and varying forms <strong>of</strong> marriage celebration and<br />

do not necessarily associate the quality <strong>of</strong> ‘being cultured’ with ‘being sophisticatedly<br />

restrained’. Third generation Tanya and Anandita are educated <strong>middle</strong>-<strong>class</strong>, the first<br />

working as an IT pr<strong>of</strong>essional and the other, as a pr<strong>of</strong>essional in a bank. They both<br />

narrativize a denial <strong>of</strong> uptight <strong>middle</strong>-<strong>class</strong> sophistication and narrativize the desire for<br />

an open celebration <strong>of</strong> fun and pleasure within their heterosexual intimate spaces.<br />

Anandita confidently emphisizes,<br />

“Some ‘boring Bengalis’ do not like it but I ‘absolutely adore’ the flamboyant<br />

Punjabi culture <strong>of</strong> marriage. I think it’s a lot <strong>of</strong> fun and a celebration <strong>of</strong> music and<br />

colours. I decided to adopt ‘their ritual <strong>of</strong> mehendi ceremony’ (hand painting with<br />

henna that also <strong>of</strong>ten inscribes the initial <strong>of</strong> the partner on the palm) and<br />

267

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