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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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THE PROPHET ARMED<br />

From none of <strong>the</strong>se classes could <strong>the</strong>re come an immediate<br />

threat to <strong>the</strong> throne. Each class hoped that its claims would be<br />

met and its wrongs redressed by <strong>the</strong> monarch himself. In any<br />

case, no class was in a position to air its grievances and make its<br />

demands widely known. None could rally its members and<br />

muster its strength in any representative institution or political<br />

party. These did not exist. State and Church were <strong>the</strong> only<br />

bodies that possessed a national organization; but <strong>the</strong> fundion<br />

of both, a function which had determined <strong>the</strong>ir shape and<br />

constitution, had been to suppress not to express social discontent.<br />

Only one group, <strong>the</strong> intelligentsia, rose to challenge <strong>the</strong><br />

l dynasty. Educated people in all walks of life, especially those<br />

who had not been absorbed in officialdom, had no less reason<br />

than had <strong>the</strong> peasantry to be disappointed with <strong>the</strong> Tsar-<strong>the</strong><br />

Emancipator. He had first aroused and <strong>the</strong>n frustrated <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

craving for freedom as he had aroused and deceived <strong>the</strong> muzhiks'<br />

hunger for land. Alexander had not, like his predecessor<br />

Nicholas I, chastised <strong>the</strong> intelligentsia with scorpions; but he<br />

was still punishing <strong>the</strong>m with whips. His reforms in education<br />

and in <strong>the</strong> Press had been half-hearted and mean: <strong>the</strong> spiritual<br />

iife of <strong>the</strong> nation remained under <strong>the</strong> tutelage of <strong>the</strong> police, <strong>the</strong><br />

censorship, and <strong>the</strong> Holy Synod. By offering <strong>the</strong> educated a<br />

semblance of freedom he made <strong>the</strong> denial of real freedom even<br />

more painful and humiliating. The intelligentsia sought to<br />

avenge <strong>the</strong>ir betrayed hopes; <strong>the</strong> Tsar strove to tame <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

restive spirit; and, so, semi-liberal reforms gave way to repression<br />

and repression bred rebellion.<br />

Numerically <strong>the</strong> intelligentsia were very weak. The active<br />

revolutionaries among <strong>the</strong>m were a mere handful. If <strong>the</strong>ir fight<br />

against <strong>the</strong> rul'er of ninety million subjects were to be described<br />

as a duel between David and Goliath, that would still exaggerate<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir strength. Throughout <strong>the</strong> 187os, this classical<br />

decade of <strong>the</strong> intelligentsia's rebellion, a few thousand people<br />

at <strong>the</strong> most were involved in <strong>the</strong> peaceful, 'educational and<br />

propagandist' phase of <strong>the</strong> Narodnik (Populist) movement; and<br />

in its final, terroristic phase less than two score men and women<br />

were directly engaged. These two score made <strong>the</strong> Tsar a fugitive<br />

in his own realm, and kept <strong>the</strong> whole might of his empire in<br />

check. Only against <strong>the</strong> background of a discontented but mute

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