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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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88 THE PROPHET ARMED<br />

Bolsheviks, began to react away from <strong>the</strong> views to which <strong>the</strong>y<br />

had been committed before <strong>the</strong> split. The reaction spread from<br />

matters of organization to issues of policy. Zasulich was dreaming<br />

aloud about an alliance between socialism and middle-class<br />

liberalism. Theodore Dan, now gaining eminence, bluntly<br />

advocated that alliance. Even now, when Dan and Trotsky<br />

were <strong>the</strong> leaders of <strong>the</strong> same faction, <strong>the</strong>y instinctively repelled<br />

each o<strong>the</strong>r. Dan was by temperament as solid and pedestrian<br />

as Trotsky was flamboyant and impetuous. The one could<br />

thrive best in a climate of political comJllromise, as his role under<br />

Kerensky's regime in 1917 would show; <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r was made<br />

for revolution. While <strong>the</strong> Mensheviks were beginning to grope<br />

for more moderate formulas, Dan's influence among <strong>the</strong>m was<br />

naturally rising and Trotsky's declining. Martov himself forebodingly<br />

watched his followers in <strong>the</strong>ir quest for moderation;<br />

but he was overpowered by <strong>the</strong> process he had initiated. The<br />

reaction against <strong>the</strong> spirit of <strong>the</strong> 'old' Iskra did not leave Trotsky<br />

unaffected. It could not be o<strong>the</strong>rwise, for Lenin, whom he was<br />

opposing, embodied that spirit. Trotsky now found that <strong>the</strong> old<br />

Iskra had not been free from <strong>the</strong> Narodnik-like, conspiratorial<br />

attitude; that it had been unjust towards <strong>the</strong> Economists; and<br />

that it had falsely preached <strong>the</strong> supremacy of organization over<br />

<strong>the</strong> 'spontaneous' Labour movement. These were <strong>the</strong> stock conclusions<br />

which most Mensheviks reached as <strong>the</strong>y reviewed <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

own recent past; and thus far Trotsky went along with <strong>the</strong>m.1<br />

But at one point he balked and balked for good, <strong>the</strong> point at<br />

which <strong>the</strong>y made <strong>the</strong> first attempt td bridge <strong>the</strong> gulf between<br />

socialism and liberalism. He stuck to <strong>the</strong> anti-liberal attitude<br />

which had, on <strong>the</strong> whole, prevailed in <strong>the</strong> old Iskra. In long<br />

arguments with <strong>the</strong> Mensheviks he began to realize how much,<br />

in this crucial issue, divided him from <strong>the</strong>m, and how little from<br />

Lenin.<br />

Yet, before parting with <strong>the</strong> Mensheviks he once again<br />

assailed Lenin with a hailstorm of his most hurtful invective,<br />

which made any reconciliation with him wellnigh impossible.<br />

In April 190,~ Trotsky lrft Iskra. In August <strong>the</strong>re appeared in<br />

Geneva his pamphlet Our Political Tasks, which he dedicated to<br />

'My dear teacher Paul B. A.x.clrod'. The historical and bio-<br />

1<br />

In this respect <strong>the</strong>re was no difference between .Trotsky (in Nashi Politicheskye<br />

Zadachi) and <strong>the</strong> most right-wing Menshevik Chcrevanin (in Organizatsion'!)'i VojJTOs).

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