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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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THE PROPHET ARMED<br />

how, or by means of what industrial resources <strong>the</strong>y would be<br />

able to do this. They only knew that <strong>the</strong>y had embarked upon a<br />

complex, paradoxical, and dangerous course: <strong>the</strong>y had made<br />

one agrarian revolution with <strong>the</strong> avowed purpose of undoing<br />

it by means of ano<strong>the</strong>r.<br />

'Bread' means to <strong>the</strong> industrial worker and <strong>the</strong> city dweller<br />

at large <strong>the</strong> growth and <strong>the</strong> development of industry. To <strong>the</strong><br />

Russian worker in 1917 it also implied <strong>the</strong> elimination from<br />

industry of private ownership and control. In <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>oretical<br />

conception of socialism, which <strong>the</strong> leaders of <strong>the</strong> revolution had<br />

imbibed from early youth, national and ultimately international<br />

ownership and central planning of production and distribution<br />

held a crucial place. Russia's industry, as <strong>the</strong> Bolsheviks found<br />

it, even if it had not been fur<strong>the</strong>r destroyed through civil war,<br />

was too small and poor to serve as a basis for socialism. It<br />

provided only a starting-point for evolution towards socialism.<br />

Despite <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong>y had proclaimed <strong>the</strong> Socialist purpose<br />

of <strong>the</strong>ir revolution, <strong>the</strong> Bolsheviks could ill afford an attempt to<br />

bring Russian industry under public ownership or management<br />

at once. The resources, <strong>the</strong> administrators, <strong>the</strong> technicians, and<br />

<strong>the</strong> techniques needed were not available. They hoped to be<br />

able to seek an unhurried solution of <strong>the</strong> problem by trial and<br />

error. They were at first as reluctant to dispossess <strong>the</strong> industrialists<br />

and merchants as <strong>the</strong>y had been cager to dispossess <strong>the</strong><br />

landlords.<br />

But in <strong>the</strong> course of 191 7 a state of affairs had spontaneously<br />

come to prevail, under which <strong>the</strong> owners of factories had already<br />

been more than half dispossessed. Just as in <strong>the</strong> barracks <strong>the</strong><br />

elective soldiers' committees had deprived <strong>the</strong> commissioned<br />

officers of all authority and function, even before <strong>the</strong>y tore off<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir epaulettes, so in <strong>the</strong> factories and mines <strong>the</strong> elected works<br />

committees had appropriated most of <strong>the</strong> rights and privileges<br />

of owners and managers, even before <strong>the</strong> latter were dispossessed<br />

or dismissed. The duality of power which, from February to<br />

October, ran through Russia's system of government ran also<br />

through Russian industry, even after October. The popular<br />

instinct was a mixture of anarchism and socialism. In part<br />

naturally and in part because of <strong>the</strong> prevalent chaos, it tended<br />

to destroy <strong>the</strong> national coherence of industry, without which<br />

<strong>the</strong>re could be no evolution towards socialism. Each works

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