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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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THE DRAMA OF BREST LITOVSK 391<br />

war against Prussia and agreement with England, where he<br />

hoped that Fox would replace Pitt in office. Robespierre urged<br />

<strong>the</strong> Convention to wage war against England; and he strove<br />

for an agreement with Prussia. Danton and Robespierre joined<br />

hands against <strong>the</strong> Commune, but, after <strong>the</strong>y suppressed it <strong>the</strong>y<br />

fell out. The guillotine settled <strong>the</strong>ir controversy.<br />

Trotsky, who so often looked at <strong>the</strong> Russian Revolution<br />

through <strong>the</strong> prism of <strong>the</strong> French, must have been aware of this<br />

analogy. He may have remembered Engels's remarkable letter<br />

to Victor Adler, explaining all <strong>the</strong> 'pulsations' of tht> French<br />

Revolution by <strong>the</strong> fortunes of war and <strong>the</strong> disagreements engendered<br />

by it. 1 He must have seen himself as acting a role<br />

potentially reminiscent of Danton's, while Lenin's part was<br />

similar to Robespierre's. It was as if <strong>the</strong> shadow of <strong>the</strong> guillotine<br />

had for a moment interposed itself between him and Lenin. This<br />

is not to say that, if <strong>the</strong> conflict had developed, Trotsky, like<br />

Danton, would necessarily have played a losing game; or that<br />

Lenin was, like Robespierre, inclined to settle by <strong>the</strong> guillotine<br />

an inner party controversy. Herc <strong>the</strong> analogy ceases to apply. It<br />

was evident that <strong>the</strong> war party, if it won, would be driven to<br />

suppress its opponents-o<strong>the</strong>rwise it could not cope with its task.<br />

A peaceable solution of <strong>the</strong> crisis in <strong>the</strong> party was possible only<br />

under <strong>the</strong> rule of <strong>the</strong> adherents of peace, who could better afford<br />

to tolerate opposition. This consideration was decisive in<br />

Trotsky's eyes. In order to banish <strong>the</strong> shadow of <strong>the</strong> guillotine<br />

he made an extraordinary sacrifice of principle and personal<br />

ambition.<br />

To Lenin's threat of resignation he replied, addressing himself<br />

more to <strong>the</strong> advocates of war than to I .en in: 'VV e cannot<br />

wage revolutionary war with a split in <strong>the</strong> party .... Under<br />

<strong>the</strong>se conditions our party is not in a position to wage war,<br />

especially as those who stand for war do not want to accept <strong>the</strong><br />

material means for waging it [i.e. assistance from <strong>the</strong> western<br />

powersl.'' 'I shall not take upon myself <strong>the</strong> responsibility of<br />

voting for war.' Later he added: 'There is a lot of subjectivism<br />

in Lenin's attitude. I am not sure that he is right, but I do<br />

not want to do anything that would interfere with <strong>the</strong> party's<br />

unity. On <strong>the</strong> contrary, I shall help as much as I can. But I<br />

1<br />

K. Marx and F. Engels, Selnud Cormpondena, pp. 457-8.<br />

2<br />

ProtokoiJ TJtn. Kom., p. 248.

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