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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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TROTSKY IN THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION 319<br />

republic was to be a 'proletarian dictatorship'. By this was<br />

meant <strong>the</strong> social and political preponderance of <strong>the</strong> working<br />

class; but <strong>the</strong> means by which this preponderance was to be<br />

established were not fixed in advance. The Bolsheviks, and<br />

Socialists of o<strong>the</strong>r schools as well, were wont to describe <strong>the</strong><br />

parliamentary democracies of <strong>the</strong> West as 'bourgeois dictatorships',<br />

in <strong>the</strong> sense that <strong>the</strong>y embodied <strong>the</strong> social preponderance<br />

of <strong>the</strong> bourgeoisie, not that <strong>the</strong>y were actually ruled in a dictatorial<br />

manner. The Bolsheviks at first described <strong>the</strong>ir own system<br />

of government as a dictatorship in that broad sense, expecting<br />

in all sincerity that by comparison with <strong>the</strong> bourgeois democracies<br />

<strong>the</strong> republic of <strong>the</strong> Soviets would bring to <strong>the</strong> vast<br />

majority of <strong>the</strong> nation more, not less, liberty; more, not less,<br />

freedom of expression and association.<br />

The plebeian democracy of <strong>the</strong> Soviets did not at first think<br />

of itself as a monolithic or totalitarian state, because its leaders<br />

were confident that <strong>the</strong> bulk of <strong>the</strong> Russian people shared <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

aspirations. It did not soon occur to <strong>the</strong>m to consider what<br />

<strong>the</strong>y would do if this hopeful assumption proved wrong. They<br />

took it for granted that if <strong>the</strong>y came in conflict with <strong>the</strong> majority<br />

of <strong>the</strong> nation, <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong>y, <strong>the</strong>ir party, and <strong>the</strong>ir revolution would<br />

be doomed, and that all that would be left to <strong>the</strong>m would be to<br />

perish with honour. But in 1917 this danger seemed to <strong>the</strong>m no<br />

more real than <strong>the</strong> threat of a cosmic catastrophe.<br />

How did <strong>the</strong> Russian people view <strong>the</strong> Bolsheviks and <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

objectives? A mere handful participated directly in <strong>the</strong> October<br />

insurrection-'hardly more', says Trotsky, 'than 25,000 or<br />

30,000 at <strong>the</strong> most'.' In this sense, <strong>the</strong> revolution was <strong>the</strong> work<br />

of a tiny minority, unlike <strong>the</strong> February insurrection during<br />

which <strong>the</strong> great, overflowing, unguided energy of <strong>the</strong> masses<br />

had swept away <strong>the</strong> monarchy. But in <strong>the</strong> last fortnight before<br />

<strong>the</strong> October rising, in Petrograd alone 'hundreds of thousands<br />

of workers and soldiers took direct action, defensive in form but<br />

aggressive in essence'. 2 Many more facilitated <strong>the</strong> Bolshevik<br />

victory through <strong>the</strong>ir friendly attitude, active and passive; and<br />

many o<strong>the</strong>rs did so by adopting all possible shades of neutrality.<br />

The second Congress of <strong>the</strong> Soviets represented about 20,000,000<br />

electors, perhaps ra<strong>the</strong>r fewer. Of <strong>the</strong>se <strong>the</strong> great majority voted<br />

for <strong>the</strong> Bolsheviks. Even in <strong>the</strong> elections to <strong>the</strong> Constituent<br />

1<br />

Trotsky, Hisfbry of <strong>the</strong> Russian Revolution, vol. iii, p. 290.<br />

2<br />

Loe. cit.

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