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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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THE PROPHET ARMED<br />

educational association Trotsky found an cager audience for his<br />

denunciations of <strong>the</strong> war and of <strong>the</strong> Socialists who supported it.<br />

'With Trotsky's arrival in Zurich', recollects a well-known<br />

Swiss writer, '!if.~ returned to <strong>the</strong> Labour movement, or at least<br />

to one sector of it. He brought with him <strong>the</strong> belief ... that from<br />

this war would arise revolution .... With Trotsky <strong>the</strong>se were not<br />

merely words but his innermost conviction.'' So strongly did he<br />

sway his new audience that almost at once he was elected<br />

delegate to a national convention of <strong>the</strong> Socialist party of<br />

Switzerland. It gave <strong>the</strong> leaders of <strong>the</strong> party some trouble to<br />

explain to <strong>the</strong> rank and file that it was impolitic to give voting<br />

rights at <strong>the</strong> congress to a foreigner and a citizen of a belligerent<br />

country.<br />

During this stay in Zurich, which lasted only a little more than<br />

two months, Trotsky wrote The War and <strong>the</strong> International, <strong>the</strong><br />

first extensive statement of anti-war policy by a Russian<br />

Socialist. Its polemical edge was turned primarily against <strong>the</strong><br />

German Social Democrats, who were arguing that in fighting<br />

Tsardom, <strong>the</strong> 'gendarme of Europe', Hohenzollern Germany<br />

was pursuing a progressive historical mission. 'In our<br />

struggle against Tsardom', Trotsky retorted, 'in which we<br />

know no truce, we have not sought and arc not seeking<br />

assistance fr8m <strong>the</strong> militarism of <strong>the</strong> Habsburgs or <strong>the</strong><br />

Hohcnzollerns .... We have owed a lot to <strong>the</strong> German Social<br />

Democratic Party. We have all gone through its school and<br />

learned from its successes and mistakes. It was for us not one of<br />

<strong>the</strong> parties of <strong>the</strong> International uut <strong>the</strong> party.' All <strong>the</strong> keener<br />

was <strong>the</strong> indignation with which he now repudiated <strong>the</strong> attitude<br />

of <strong>the</strong> German Social Democrats. It was <strong>the</strong> Socialists' duty, he<br />

insisted, to stand for peace, but not for a peace that would mean<br />

a return to <strong>the</strong> status quo or a new balance between <strong>the</strong> imperialist<br />

powers. The Socialists' objective must be a democratic peace,<br />

without annexation and indemnities, and one allowing for <strong>the</strong><br />

self-determination of <strong>the</strong> subject nations. Only a rising of <strong>the</strong><br />

belligerent peoples against <strong>the</strong>ir rulers could achieve such a<br />

peace. Thi.s part of his argument anticipated by more than<br />

three years President Wilson's Fourteen Points; and Trotsky's<br />

pamphlet, when it appeared in <strong>the</strong> United States, had a direct<br />

influence on Wilson. Y ct, 'self-determination of <strong>the</strong> nations',<br />

' F. Brupbachcr, 60 Jahre Kel

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