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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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THE PROPHET ARMED<br />

editors from six to three. The three editors were to be: Plekhanov,<br />

Martov, and himself. Axelrod, Zasulich, and Potresov<br />

were to be left out. Historians of <strong>the</strong> opposed schools arc cager<br />

retrospectively to read into this proposal profound, far-reaching<br />

intentions, baleful or benign, according to <strong>the</strong> viewpoint. In its<br />

actual setting, Lenin's intention was simple. He was seeking to<br />

make <strong>the</strong> editorial work of Iskra more efficient than it had lately<br />

been. As <strong>the</strong> board of six had tended to divide equally, he had,<br />

in order to break <strong>the</strong> deadlock, proposed Trotsky's appointment;<br />

but, since Plckhanov's objections had ruled this out, he now<br />

tried to achieve his purpose by reducing, instead of increasing,<br />

<strong>the</strong> number of editors. The three whom he was proposing had<br />

been Iskra's real pillars. Zasulich, Axelrod, and Potrcsov had contributed<br />

very little-none of <strong>the</strong>m was a fluent writer-and had<br />

done even less in <strong>the</strong> work of administration and organization.'<br />

On grounds of efficiency alone, Lenin's proposal was justified.<br />

But considerations of efficiency clashed, as <strong>the</strong>y often do, with<br />

acquired rights and sentiment. Lenin had his qualms before he<br />

decided on this step; Plekhanov had little or no scruple. To<br />

Trotsky this attempt to eliminate from Iskra Axelrod and<br />

Zasulich, two of its founders, seemed 'sacrilegious'; he was<br />

shocked by Lenin's callousness.<br />

This narrow issue at once became entangled with o<strong>the</strong>r and<br />

wider questions. Iskra's editorial board was to remain, as it had<br />

been, <strong>the</strong> party's virtual leadership. A central committee, to be<br />

elected at <strong>the</strong> congress, was to operate in Russia. But, working<br />

underground and exposed to arrest, it could not secure continuity<br />

in leadership-only an emigre centre, such as <strong>the</strong><br />

editorial board, could do that. Lenin fur<strong>the</strong>r proposed <strong>the</strong> election<br />

of a Council which was to act as arbiter between <strong>the</strong><br />

central committee and <strong>the</strong> editorial board. That Council was<br />

to consist of five members: two from Iskra, two from <strong>the</strong> central<br />

committee, and a chairman who was to be elected by congress.<br />

It was a foregone conclusion that Plekhanov would be <strong>the</strong><br />

chairman; and so Iskra's editorial board was sure to wield <strong>the</strong><br />

decisive influence in <strong>the</strong> Council. It was because of this scheme<br />

1<br />

Explaining in a letter to his follower his own motives, Lenin stated that to <strong>the</strong><br />

45 issues of <strong>the</strong> 'old' Iskra Martov had contributed 39 articles, Lenin 32, Plekhanov<br />

24; Zasulich had written only 6 articles, Axelrod 4, and Potresov 8. Lenin, Sochinmya,<br />

vol. xxxiv, p. 164.

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