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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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302 THE PROPHET ARMED<br />

<strong>the</strong> immediate expulsion from <strong>the</strong> party of <strong>the</strong> two 'strikebreakers<br />

of <strong>the</strong> revolution'. His demand fell on deaf ears. In <strong>the</strong><br />

Bolshevik newspaper Stalin tried to reconcile <strong>the</strong> adversaries,<br />

although this was a matter in which reconciliation was impossible:<br />

an insurrection ei<strong>the</strong>r is or is not madc. 1<br />

Trotsky utilized even <strong>the</strong> confusion among <strong>the</strong> Bolshevik<br />

leaders to fur<strong>the</strong>r his plan. On 17 October he received with<br />

well concealed relief <strong>the</strong> news that <strong>the</strong> Menshcvik Central<br />

Executive had again postponed <strong>the</strong> Congress of <strong>the</strong> Soviets for<br />

a few days. This gave him a little more time for <strong>the</strong> last preparations.<br />

But <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r camp might also have benefited from<br />

<strong>the</strong> delay; and Zino\'iev's and Kamenev's disclosures threatened<br />

to arouse its vigilance. On 18 October two embarrassing questions<br />

were put to Trotsky in <strong>the</strong> Soviet, one about <strong>the</strong> widespread<br />

rumours on insurrection, and <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r about his order<br />

to <strong>the</strong> arsenals for <strong>the</strong> issue of rifles to Red Guards. His answer<br />

was a masterpiece of diplomatic camouflage: 'The decisions of<br />

<strong>the</strong> Petrograd Soviet are published', he said. 'The Soviet is an<br />

elected institution, every deputy is responsible to <strong>the</strong> workers<br />

and soldiers who have elected him. This revolutionary parliament<br />

... can have no decisions which are unknown to <strong>the</strong><br />

workers. W c conceal nothing. I declare on behalf of <strong>the</strong> Soviet:<br />

we have not decided on any <strong>armed</strong> action.' This was literally<br />

true: <strong>the</strong> Soviet had decided nothing of <strong>the</strong> sort. As its President<br />

he was expected to give an account only of <strong>the</strong> Soviet's work.<br />

He was under no obligation to make a public confession of a<br />

confidential decision taken by a private body such as <strong>the</strong> Central<br />

Committee of <strong>the</strong> party.<br />

But he did not stop at this denial, which might have confounded<br />

friends as well as foes. Nor did he tie his hands. 'If <strong>the</strong><br />

course of events', he added, 'compels <strong>the</strong> Soviet to decide on<br />

<strong>armed</strong> action, <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> workers and <strong>the</strong> soldiers will come out in<br />

response to its appeal like one man.' He admitted that he had<br />

ordered rifles for <strong>the</strong> Red Guards, but he covered himself by<br />

<strong>the</strong> familiar precedent: <strong>the</strong> Menshevik Soviet had done <strong>the</strong><br />

same. 'The Petrograd Soviet', he added defiantly, 'will go on<br />

organizing and arming workers' guards .... We must be ready.<br />

We have entered a period of more acute struggle. We must<br />

be constantly prepared for attack by <strong>the</strong> counter-revolution.<br />

1<br />

Protokoly Tm1. Kom., pp. 127-9·

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