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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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THE PROPHET ARMED<br />

<strong>the</strong> street. The newcomer had only to glance at <strong>the</strong> capital to<br />

see how incongruous it was that Prince Lvov should still be <strong>the</strong><br />

revolution's first minister.<br />

Trotsky had hardly deposited his family and its few belongings<br />

in a lodging-house when he made for <strong>the</strong> Smolny Institute, <strong>the</strong><br />

seat of <strong>the</strong> Petrograd Soviet. 1 I ts Executive, <strong>the</strong> successor to <strong>the</strong><br />

body of which he had been <strong>the</strong> presiding spirit in 1905, was just<br />

in session. The man who now presided was Chkhcidzc, his former<br />

associate whom he had jmt attacked in Novyi Mir. Chkheidze<br />

rose to welcome Trotsky, but <strong>the</strong> welcome was lukcwarm.2 A<br />

moment of embarrassment followed. The Mcnshcviks and Social<br />

Revolutionaries, who were in a majority, did not know whe<strong>the</strong>r<br />

<strong>the</strong> newcomer was <strong>the</strong>ir friend or <strong>the</strong>ir foe-from a friend of<br />

long standing he seemed to have turned into a foe. The Bolshevik<br />

members of <strong>the</strong> Executive pointed out that <strong>the</strong> leader of<br />

<strong>the</strong> Soviet of 1905 ought to be invited to take a scat on <strong>the</strong><br />

Executive of <strong>the</strong> present Soviet. The Mensheviks and Social<br />

Revolutionaries consulted each o<strong>the</strong>r in perplexed whispers.<br />

They agreed to admit Trotsky as an associate member, without<br />

<strong>the</strong> right to vote. He wished for nothing more: what mattered<br />

to him was not <strong>the</strong> right to vote, but <strong>the</strong> opportunity to make<br />

himself heard from <strong>the</strong> chief platform of <strong>the</strong> revolution.<br />

Never<strong>the</strong>less, <strong>the</strong> cool reception could not but irk him.<br />

Angelica Balabanov, <strong>the</strong> secretary of <strong>the</strong> Zimmerwald movement,<br />

wrote that he even suspected that <strong>the</strong> party leaders had<br />

not pressed energetically enough for his release from British<br />

internment, because <strong>the</strong>y had not been cager to sec him on <strong>the</strong><br />

scene. 'Both Menshcviks and Bolsheviks regarded him with<br />

rancour and distrust ... partly out of fear of competition ... ,'J<br />

Whatever <strong>the</strong> truth, <strong>the</strong> fact was that between February and<br />

May <strong>the</strong> political alignments had become defined; <strong>the</strong> parties<br />

and groups had formed <strong>the</strong>ir ranks and clarified <strong>the</strong>ir attitudes,<br />

and <strong>the</strong> leaders had assumed <strong>the</strong>ir roles and taken up <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

positions. In 190'.) Trotsky had been <strong>the</strong> first of <strong>the</strong> cmigrcs to<br />

rd urn. Now he was <strong>the</strong> last. And no appropriate vacancy seemed<br />

to be open for a man of his gifts and ambition.<br />

1<br />

From now on '<strong>the</strong> Soviet' (in <strong>the</strong> singular) denotes <strong>the</strong> Soviet of Pctrograd,<br />

unless it is stated o<strong>the</strong>rwise.<br />

' L. Trotsky, Moya Zhizn, loc. cit.; N. Sukhanov, Zapiski o Revolutsii, vol. iii,<br />

pp. 440-1.<br />

' A. Balabanoff, My Life as a Rebel, p. 176.

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