12.04.2015 Views

isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

THE PROPHET ARMED<br />

events as 'symptoms pointing to <strong>the</strong> possibility of a general<br />

armistice and universal peace'. 1<br />

That he should have drawn such far-fetched conclusions from<br />

what were, after all, details of <strong>the</strong> diplomatic game, must be<br />

explained by a basic mistake in his reading of <strong>the</strong> strategic<br />

prospects. Early in <strong>the</strong> war, when governments and general<br />

staffs were taking an early conclusion of hostilities for granted,<br />

he had rightly forecast <strong>the</strong> protracted stalemate of trench warfare.<br />

2 He had been inclined to believe that nei<strong>the</strong>r camp could<br />

break <strong>the</strong> stalemate resulting from <strong>the</strong> equilibrium of opposed<br />

forces. The events of more than three years had so strikingly<br />

confirmed this forecast that he clung to it even now, when <strong>the</strong><br />

premiss for it was about to vanish. The L' nited States had entered<br />

<strong>the</strong> war. But this did not cause Trotsky to modify his view; and<br />

after <strong>the</strong> revolution, as before, he reiterated that nei<strong>the</strong>r of <strong>the</strong><br />

hostile camps could hope to win. From this rigid assumption it<br />

seemed logical to conclude that at length <strong>the</strong> belligerent governments<br />

might realize <strong>the</strong> futility offur<strong>the</strong>r fighting, acknowledge<br />

<strong>the</strong> deadlock, and agree to open peace negotiations. This was<br />

<strong>the</strong> reasoning which made him jump to a conclusion about <strong>the</strong><br />

possibility of an imminent 'general armistice and universal peace'.<br />

At <strong>the</strong> same time, however, <strong>the</strong> Bolsheviks feared that <strong>the</strong><br />

Entente might conclude a separate peace with Germany and<br />

Austria and strike jointly at <strong>the</strong> Russian Revolution. More than<br />

anybody, Lenin voiced this apprehension in public and private.<br />

The inner story of <strong>the</strong> war, when it was revealed, showed that<br />

this was not quite groundlc~s. Germany and Austria had repeatedly<br />

and secretly, jointly and separately put out peace<br />

feelers to <strong>the</strong>ir enemies in <strong>the</strong> West.3 In <strong>the</strong> ruling classes of<br />

France and Britain <strong>the</strong> fear of revolution was mounting; and<br />

<strong>the</strong> possibility of an accommodation between <strong>the</strong> Entente and<br />

<strong>the</strong> central powers, an accommodation prompted by that fear,<br />

could not be ruled out in advance. This was a potential threat<br />

only; but it was enough to drive Lenin to <strong>the</strong> conclusion that<br />

only separate peace in <strong>the</strong> East could forestall separate peace<br />

in <strong>the</strong> \Vest.<br />

1<br />

Trotsky, Sochinm;·a, vol. iii, book 2, pp. 210-1 I.<br />

2<br />

Sec Chapter viii, p. 229.<br />

' D. Lloyd George, War lvlemoirs, vol. ii, chapter lxx; Richard von Kuhlmann,<br />

Erinnerungm, pp .• 1-75-87.

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!