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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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200 THE PROPHET ARMED<br />

situation provided <strong>the</strong> protagonists with new arguments. The<br />

liquidators pointed to <strong>the</strong> government's growing tolerance as<br />

proof that it was possible to Europeanize <strong>the</strong> party and to lead<br />

it out of <strong>the</strong> recesses of <strong>the</strong> underground. In <strong>the</strong> years of <strong>the</strong><br />

terror <strong>the</strong>ir argument had sounded unreal; now it was based on<br />

facts. Yet <strong>the</strong> political revival also brought new vigour into <strong>the</strong><br />

clandestine organization, and <strong>the</strong> young revolutionaries who<br />

were now entering it were not content with that cautious expression<br />

of opposition which <strong>the</strong> police tolerated in <strong>the</strong> legal<br />

clubs and trade unions. The government itself was <strong>the</strong> more<br />

inclined to put up with legal forms of opposition <strong>the</strong> more it was<br />

afraid of <strong>the</strong> illegal ones. This gave <strong>the</strong> Bolsheviks a powerful<br />

argument: we must, <strong>the</strong>y said, intensify our clandestine efforts<br />

even if only to gain more elbow-room for open work. 1<br />

In <strong>the</strong>se circumstances, Trotsky set out to pursue once again<br />

<strong>the</strong> will-a' -<strong>the</strong>-wisp of unity. He induced <strong>the</strong> Organization<br />

Committt·c to com·enc in Vienna a conference of all Social<br />

Democrats for August 1g1 2. He hoped that <strong>the</strong> rise of <strong>the</strong><br />

revolutionary temper in Russia would now, as in I 905, help to<br />

bring about a reconciliation. This was not to happen. In 1905<br />

<strong>the</strong> strong tide of rn·olutionary events could still stop or delay<br />

incipient schism. In 1912 <strong>the</strong> cleavage had become so wide that<br />

<strong>the</strong> new political revival could only widen it fur<strong>the</strong>r. Moreover,<br />

Lenin was now reaping <strong>the</strong> fruits of his labours: his men led <strong>the</strong><br />

Social Democratic underground, while l\knshcvism was a<br />

farrago of weak and disconncctt:d groups. The Lcninists refused<br />

to attend <strong>the</strong> conference in Vienna; and so Menshe\·iks, ultralcft<br />

Bolsheviks, boycottcrs, <strong>the</strong> Jewish Bund, and Trotsky's<br />

group came toge<strong>the</strong>r and formed a confederation, known in <strong>the</strong><br />

annals of Russian socialism as <strong>the</strong> August Bloc. Trotsky was that<br />

bloc's chief mouthpiece, indefatigable at castigating Lenin's<br />

'disruptive work'. There is no reason to doubt <strong>the</strong> sincerity of<br />

<strong>the</strong> apologia in which he claimed that he had never intended to<br />

turn <strong>the</strong> confrrence against <strong>the</strong> Bolsheviks, and that only Lenin's<br />

refusal to attend it or to countenance any attempt to re-establish<br />

unity had driven him into his anti-Bolshevik position. This<br />

apologia is amply borne out by <strong>the</strong> private correspondence of<br />

<strong>the</strong> Menshevik leaders; but it also shows how thoroughly<br />

Trotsky had misjudged <strong>the</strong> outcome of a decade of controversy.<br />

1<br />

F. Dan, Proiskho,,hdenie Bo/.rheuisma, pp. 440-2.

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