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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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REVOLUTION AND CONQUEST 473<br />

<strong>the</strong> Polish war, he warned against <strong>the</strong> temptation to carry<br />

revolution abroad by force of arms. The warning runs indeed<br />

like a red thread through his writings and speeches of this<br />

period. 1 His rational opposition to revolution by conquest was in<br />

a sense merely <strong>the</strong> obverse side of his almost irrational belief<br />

in <strong>the</strong> craving of <strong>the</strong> western working classes for revolution and<br />

in <strong>the</strong>ir ability to make it. He was so unshakably confident that<br />

<strong>the</strong> proletarians of Europe and America were already impelled<br />

by <strong>the</strong>ir own circumstances to follow in <strong>the</strong> footsteps of Bolshevism<br />

that he was firmly convinced of <strong>the</strong> absolute harm<br />

latent in any attempt to make <strong>the</strong> revolution for <strong>the</strong>m or to<br />

probe and prod <strong>the</strong>m with bayonets. He saw <strong>the</strong> world pregnant<br />

with socialism; he believed that <strong>the</strong> pregnancy could not last<br />

long; and he feared that impatient tampering with it would<br />

result in abortion. The solidarity which <strong>the</strong> Russian Revolution<br />

owed to <strong>the</strong> working classes of o<strong>the</strong>r countries, he maintained,<br />

should express itself mainly in helping <strong>the</strong>m to understand and<br />

interpret <strong>the</strong>ir own social and political experience and <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

own tasks, not in trying to solve those tasks for <strong>the</strong>m. In one<br />

controversy he angrily remarked of anyone who thought of<br />

replacing revolution abroad by <strong>the</strong> Red Army's operations that<br />

'it were better for him that a millstone were hanged about his<br />

neck and h~ cast into <strong>the</strong> sea'. 2<br />

Yet such was <strong>the</strong> strength of <strong>the</strong> new Bolshevik proclivity that<br />

it could not be altoge<strong>the</strong>r suppressed. It soon manifested itself<br />

again in <strong>the</strong> Red Army's invasion of Georgia.<br />

Up to February <strong>1921</strong> Georgia had been ruled by a Menshevik<br />

government, with which <strong>the</strong> Soviets had signed a treaty during<br />

<strong>the</strong> Polish war. Nearly <strong>the</strong> whole of <strong>the</strong> Caucasus was already<br />

under Soviet control; and Menshevik Georgia was a thorn in its<br />

flesh. The claim of <strong>the</strong> Georgian Mensheviks to independent<br />

nationhood was ra<strong>the</strong>r spurious: before <strong>the</strong> October Revolution<br />

<strong>the</strong>y <strong>the</strong>mselves had ardently advocated Georgia's unity with<br />

Russia and had asked only for a degree of local autonomy.<br />

Their present separatism was a convenient pretext. The mere<br />

existence of Menshevik Georgia made it more difficult for <strong>the</strong><br />

Bolsheviks to consolidate <strong>the</strong>ir regime in <strong>the</strong> rest of <strong>the</strong> Caucasus;<br />

and <strong>the</strong> Bolsheviks had not forgotten that <strong>the</strong> Georgian<br />

1<br />

Kale Vooru~hala.r Ret'olutsia, vol. iii, book 2, pp. 114, 124, 142-3, 2o6, 225-7 and<br />

passim. • Trotsky, op. cit., p. 225.

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