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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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THE PROPHET ARMED<br />

For a time Bronstein proudly described himself as a Benthamist<br />

and had no inkling how ill his infatuation fitted any revolutionary,<br />

whe<strong>the</strong>r Narodnik or Marxist. Of Marx himself and of <strong>the</strong><br />

lesser lights of <strong>the</strong> Marxist school he had not even a smattering<br />

of knowledge. A more cautious or reflective young man would<br />

have sat back, listened to <strong>the</strong> arguments, perhaps gone to <strong>the</strong><br />

sources and weighed <strong>the</strong> pros and cons before he committed<br />

himself. (It was in this manner that Lenin first approached <strong>the</strong><br />

teachings of Marx.) But Bronstein was precocious and had a<br />

volatile and absorptive mind. He had, 'like richly intellectual<br />

people who can think rapidly, a wonderful gift of bluff. He<br />

could catch so quickly <strong>the</strong> drift of an opponent's thought, with<br />

all its ... implications, that it was very difficult to overwhelm<br />

him with mere knowledge.'' From school he had brought <strong>the</strong><br />

self-confidence of <strong>the</strong> brilliant pupil and <strong>the</strong> habit ofoutshining<br />

his fellows. The last thing he would do when buttonholed by his<br />

new associates and urged to take sides was to plead ignorance.<br />

He did take sides; and, incapable of lukewarm reserve, he<br />

dashed headlong into <strong>the</strong> fray.<br />

He made his choice instinctively. The Narodnik outlook appealed<br />

to him precisely through that which distinguished it from<br />

<strong>the</strong> Marxist. The Marxists insisted that all social phenomena<br />

are directly or indirectly determined by society's economic<br />

condition. The Narodniks did not altoge<strong>the</strong>r reject this view<strong>the</strong>y<br />

had twenty years earlier been <strong>the</strong> pioneers of historical<br />

materialism in Russia. But <strong>the</strong>y did not dwell on it with <strong>the</strong><br />

same implacable emphasis; and many of <strong>the</strong>m accepted <strong>the</strong> socalled<br />

subjectivist philosophy, which stressed <strong>the</strong> supremacy of<br />

<strong>the</strong> 'critical mind' and of <strong>the</strong> will of <strong>the</strong> individual. This philosophy<br />

accorded well with <strong>the</strong> traditions and <strong>the</strong> legends of a<br />

party which had refused to defer its assault on Tsardom until<br />

<strong>the</strong> economic conditions had 'ripened' or until <strong>the</strong> mass of <strong>the</strong><br />

people had been aroused, and which had sent out its lonely<br />

fighters and martyrs, its strong-minded and strong-willed conspirators,<br />

to hunt down, bomb in hand, <strong>the</strong> Tsar, his ministers,<br />

and his governors. To <strong>the</strong> young Bronstein Marxism seemed<br />

narrow and dry as dust-an offence to <strong>the</strong> dignity of man, whom<br />

it portrayed as <strong>the</strong> prisoner of economic and social circumstances,<br />

1<br />

Max Eastman, Leon Trotsky, The Portrait of a fouJh, p. 68; A. G. Ziv, op. cit.,<br />

pp. 9-12; L. Trotsky, op. cit., vol. i, chapters vi-vii.

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