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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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194 THE PROPHET ARMED<br />

often than not this appeal is superficial. Their opponents who<br />

win <strong>the</strong> cadres of a party for <strong>the</strong>ir more involved argument arc<br />

likely eventually to obtain <strong>the</strong> hearing of <strong>the</strong> rank and file as<br />

well; <strong>the</strong> cadres carry <strong>the</strong>ir argument, in simplified form,<br />

deeper down. Trotsky's calls for <strong>the</strong> solidarity of all Socialists<br />

were for <strong>the</strong> mon)tnt applauded by many-even <strong>the</strong> Bolsheviks<br />

in Petersburg reprinted his Pravda. But <strong>the</strong> same people who<br />

now applauded <strong>the</strong> call were eventually to disregard it, to<br />

follow <strong>the</strong> one or <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r faction, and to leave <strong>the</strong> preacher of<br />

unity isolated. Apart from this, <strong>the</strong>re was in Trotsky's popular<br />

posture, in his emphasis on plain talk and his promise to 'serve<br />

not to lead', more than a touch of demagogy, for <strong>the</strong> politician,<br />

especially <strong>the</strong> revolutionary, best serves those who listen to him<br />

by leading <strong>the</strong>m.<br />

More than anybody else Trotsky voiced <strong>the</strong> sentiment, still<br />

widespread in <strong>the</strong> party, which may best be described as a<br />

horror of final schism. In January 191 o <strong>the</strong> leaders of factions<br />

met in Paris and for <strong>the</strong> last time tried to patch up <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

differences. In both factions <strong>the</strong>re were men determined to<br />

bring matters to a head and to part company. But in both <strong>the</strong><br />

moderates prevailed for <strong>the</strong> moment. The conciliators who<br />

carried <strong>the</strong> day among <strong>the</strong> Bolsheviks were Rykov, Sokolnikov,<br />

Lozovsky, and Kamcnev. 1 On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r side, Trotsky exerted<br />

himself for unity and kept in check Martov, who later admitted<br />

that he gave way only because <strong>the</strong> Mensheviks were too weak<br />

to risk an immediate break. 2 An agreement was reached; but,<br />

even on <strong>the</strong> face of it, it was too good to be true. Both factions<br />

consented to disband <strong>the</strong>ir separate organizations and to merge;<br />

and both agreed to eliminate <strong>the</strong> 'extremists' from <strong>the</strong>ir midst,<br />

<strong>the</strong> Mensheviks to expel <strong>the</strong>ir liquidators and <strong>the</strong> Bolsheviks<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir boycotters. Both fur<strong>the</strong>r agreed to suspend <strong>the</strong>ir separate<br />

publications and to put <strong>the</strong>ir financial resources into a common<br />

pool, to be placed under <strong>the</strong> trusteeship of three German<br />

Socialists, Karl Kautsky, Franz Mehring, and Klara Zetkin.<br />

Trotsky received all <strong>the</strong> tributes that on surh solemn occasions<br />

arc paid to <strong>the</strong> successful matchmaker. The Central Committee<br />

formally acknowledged <strong>the</strong> services his Pravda had rendered to<br />

<strong>the</strong> whole party, 'regardless of faction', and it decided to place<br />

' N. Popov, op. cit., vol. i, p.248.<br />

• Martov, Spasiteli iii Upra:tdniteli, p. 16.

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