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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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THE PROPHET ARMED<br />

debated <strong>the</strong>se proposals for <strong>the</strong> first time. Kamenev came out in<br />

categorical opposition and asked <strong>the</strong> Committee to warn all<br />

organizations against any move of an insurrectionist character.<br />

The Committee did not accept Kamenev's advice, nor did it<br />

accept Lenin's proposals.'<br />

In <strong>the</strong> meantime Trotsky was approaching <strong>the</strong> problem from<br />

his new point of vantage as President of <strong>the</strong> Petrograd Soviet.<br />

He agreed with Lenin on <strong>the</strong> chances and <strong>the</strong> urgency of insurrection.<br />

But he disagreed with him over method, especially<br />

over <strong>the</strong> idea that <strong>the</strong> party should stage <strong>the</strong> insurrection in its<br />

own name and on its own responsibility. He took less seriously<br />

than Lenin <strong>the</strong> threat of an immediate counter-revolution. 2<br />

Unlike Lenin, he was confident that <strong>the</strong> pressure of <strong>the</strong> BolshcYik<br />

majority in <strong>the</strong> Soviets would not allow <strong>the</strong> old Central<br />

Executive to delay much longer <strong>the</strong> All-Russian Congress. He<br />

reasoned that since <strong>the</strong> Bolsheviks had conducted <strong>the</strong>ir whole<br />

agitation under <strong>the</strong> slogan 'all power to <strong>the</strong> Soviets', <strong>the</strong>y should<br />

stage <strong>the</strong> rising in such a manner that it would appear to everyone<br />

as <strong>the</strong> direct conclusion of this agitation. The rising should<br />

<strong>the</strong>refore be timed to coincide with, or slightly precede, <strong>the</strong><br />

Congress of <strong>the</strong> Soviets, in whose hands <strong>the</strong> insurgents should<br />

<strong>the</strong>n lay <strong>the</strong> power seized. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, he wanted <strong>the</strong> insurrection<br />

to be conducted in <strong>the</strong> name of <strong>the</strong> Petrograd Soviet and<br />

through its machinery, all <strong>the</strong> components of which were in<br />

Bolshevik hands, and of <strong>the</strong> whole of which he was in personal<br />

command. The rising would <strong>the</strong>n appear to <strong>the</strong> world not as<br />

<strong>the</strong> business of one party only but as a much broader undcrtaking.3<br />

It would be a mistake to read into this difference any deeper<br />

conflict over principles, and to deduce from it that, while<br />

Trotsky wished to seize power for <strong>the</strong> Soviets, Lenin aimed at<br />

placing power in <strong>the</strong> hands of his party alone. Both were in a<br />

sense Soviet constitutionalists. Lenin, too, envisagPd that <strong>the</strong><br />

insurgents would convene an All-Russian Congress of <strong>the</strong><br />

Soviets and place power in its hands. He refused to let insurrection<br />

wait until <strong>the</strong> Congress convened, because he was convinced<br />

that <strong>the</strong> Menshevik Executive would delay <strong>the</strong> Congress to<br />

' Protokoly Tsen. Kom., p. 65.<br />

' This difference can be traced back to <strong>the</strong> July days. Raskolnikov, op. cit.,<br />

p. t 71 ; Trotsky, History, vol. ii, pp. 3 t 5- 19. ' I bid. vol. iii, chapters v and vi.

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