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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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234 THE PROPHET ARMED<br />

'social-patriotic opportunists'. They had begun <strong>the</strong>ir political<br />

and literary careers with a critique of <strong>the</strong> voluntarist Utopias of<br />

<strong>the</strong> Narodniks; and this left a lasting impression on <strong>the</strong>ir outlook.<br />

In <strong>the</strong>ir polemics against <strong>the</strong> Narodniks <strong>the</strong>y had concentrated<br />

so exclusively on 'objective conditions', on what was and what<br />

was not historically possible in Russia, that <strong>the</strong>y became <strong>the</strong><br />

slaves of <strong>the</strong>ir own determinism. The Menshcviks had indubitable<br />

merits in analysing <strong>the</strong> social conditions of Russia and in<br />

attempting to Europeanize <strong>the</strong> movement (merits, <strong>the</strong> writer<br />

added, which Trotsky's Pravda shared with <strong>the</strong>m). But <strong>the</strong>y completely<br />

neglected to cultivate <strong>the</strong> revolutionary will, which<br />

changes <strong>the</strong> social conditions within which it works. The principle<br />

of will and action was as much essential to <strong>the</strong> Marxist<br />

doctrine as was its determinism; and this principle, so <strong>the</strong> writer<br />

concluded, was embodied in Lenin's group. That was why <strong>the</strong><br />

Mcnshcviks had floated with <strong>the</strong> tide of events to <strong>the</strong>ir socialpatriotic<br />

debacle, while <strong>the</strong> Bolsheviks had <strong>the</strong> strength to<br />

resist <strong>the</strong> tide.'<br />

Manuilsky and Lozovsky, especially <strong>the</strong> former, argued along<br />

<strong>the</strong> same lines. Still refusing to accept Leninism as <strong>the</strong> 'ready<br />

made and rounded off form of <strong>the</strong> new internationalist ideology',<br />

still criticizing its 'national narrow-mindedness and angular<br />

crudity', Manuilsky, never<strong>the</strong>less, insisted that Bolshevism,<br />

because of its emphasis on will and action, had legitimately<br />

become <strong>the</strong> core of <strong>the</strong> Russian revolutionary movement.<br />

'History', he wrote, 'has placed <strong>the</strong> Russian working class in<br />

a position more favourable for revolutionary initiative than that<br />

in which <strong>the</strong> western proletariat has found itself .... It has imposed<br />

higher duties and obligations on us than on European<br />

labour.' All <strong>the</strong> more urgent was it to find a common language<br />

with Lenin's group. Discreetly, Manuilsky criticized Trotsky,<br />

without mentioning him by name, for his attempts to excuse<br />

<strong>the</strong> ambiguous conduct of Chkheidze and of <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r Menshevik<br />

dcputics. 2<br />

Quite perceptibly <strong>the</strong>se influences worked on Trotsky. If<br />

a distaste for <strong>the</strong> 'sectarian' and distinctly Russian side of<br />

1<br />

The author of this article was K. Zalewski, a Polish Socialist, who had before<br />

<strong>the</strong> war sided with <strong>the</strong> Menshevik liquidators. Nashe Sbn·o, nos. 35, 36, 11 and l 2<br />

February 1916.<br />

2<br />

Nashe S/ovo, nos. 75-78, 29 March-1 April 1916. In <strong>the</strong> same issues Trotsky<br />

went on defending Chkheidze in unsigned editorials.

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