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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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THE PROPHET ARMED<br />

through in <strong>the</strong> Bolshevik party. Lenin had spent <strong>the</strong> month<br />

before Trotsky's arrival in an intense controversy with <strong>the</strong> right<br />

wing of his party, headed by Kamenev; and he had persuaded<br />

<strong>the</strong> party to abandon <strong>the</strong> 'old Bolshevik' view on <strong>the</strong> prospects<br />

of <strong>the</strong> revolution. It may be assumed that this was explained to<br />

Trotsky <strong>the</strong>re and <strong>the</strong>n. If nobody else, <strong>the</strong>n his bro<strong>the</strong>r-in-law<br />

Kamenev must have told him that Lenin's Bolshevik opponents,<br />

indeed Kamenev himself: had reproached Lenin with having<br />

taken over lock, stock, and barrel <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory of' permanent revolution',<br />

and with having abandoned Bolshevism for Trotskyism.<br />

In truth, <strong>the</strong> roads of Lenin and Trotsky, so long divergent,<br />

had now met. Each of <strong>the</strong>m had reached certain conclusions to<br />

which <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r had come much earlier and which he had long<br />

and bitterly contested. But nei<strong>the</strong>r had consciously adopted <strong>the</strong><br />

o<strong>the</strong>r's point of view. From different starting-points and through<br />

different processes <strong>the</strong>ir minds had moved towards <strong>the</strong>ir present<br />

meeting. We have seen how <strong>the</strong> events of <strong>the</strong> war had gradually<br />

driven Trotsky to take <strong>the</strong> view that <strong>the</strong> breach in <strong>the</strong> Labour<br />

movement could not be healed; that it was wrong and even<br />

pernicious to try to heal it; and that it was <strong>the</strong> duty of <strong>the</strong><br />

re\·olutionary internationalists to form new parties. Long before<br />

<strong>the</strong> war, Lenin had arrived at this conclusion, but only for <strong>the</strong><br />

Russian party. The war had induced him to generalize it and<br />

to apply it to <strong>the</strong> international Labour movement. In Lenin's<br />

reasonings and instinctive reactions his Russian experience was<br />

<strong>the</strong> primary factor, although it alone did not determine his<br />

attitude. Trotsky had, on <strong>the</strong> contrary, proceeded from <strong>the</strong><br />

international generalization to <strong>the</strong> application of <strong>the</strong> principle<br />

to Russia. Whatever <strong>the</strong> processes by which <strong>the</strong>y arrived at <strong>the</strong><br />

common conclusion, <strong>the</strong> practical implications were <strong>the</strong> same.<br />

A similar difference in approach and identity in conclusion<br />

can be seen in <strong>the</strong>ir evaluation of prospects. In 1905-6 Trotsky<br />

had foreseen <strong>the</strong> combination of anti-feudal and anti-capitalist<br />

revolutions in Russia and had described <strong>the</strong> Russian upheaval<br />

as a prelude to international socialist revolution. Lenin had <strong>the</strong>n<br />

refused to see in Russia <strong>the</strong> pioneer of collectivist socialism.<br />

He deduced <strong>the</strong> character and <strong>the</strong> prospects of <strong>the</strong> revolution<br />

from Russia's historic stage of development and from her<br />

social structure, in which <strong>the</strong> individualistic peasantry was<br />

<strong>the</strong> largest element. During <strong>the</strong> war, however, he came to reckon

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