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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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TROTSKY IN THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION 315<br />

more strongly, committed to achieve an immediate peace, which<br />

could be nei<strong>the</strong>r just nor democratic. This was <strong>the</strong>ir first<br />

dilemma. Its solution would be dictated to <strong>the</strong>m by weary<br />

peasant-soldiers, who were all <strong>the</strong> more eager to turn <strong>the</strong>ir guns<br />

into ploughs now that all <strong>the</strong> land to plough was at last <strong>the</strong>irs.<br />

But <strong>the</strong> tenuous peace, attained under <strong>the</strong>ir pressure, would not<br />

avert from Russia <strong>the</strong> long ordeal of foreign intervention and<br />

civil war.<br />

The Bolsheviks shared <strong>the</strong> land among <strong>the</strong> peasants, or,<br />

ra<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong>y sanctioned <strong>the</strong> share-out accomplished by <strong>the</strong><br />

peasantry itself. No great country can go through an agrarian<br />

revolution of this scale and momentum without its entire<br />

economy being shaken and weakened, if only temporarily. The<br />

old links between town and country were loosened or broken;<br />

<strong>the</strong> old channels of exchange shrank and became clogged; <strong>the</strong><br />

old obsolete and inadequate yet automatic, and in its way<br />

effective, manner of running <strong>the</strong> body politic was rendered<br />

impossible. In <strong>the</strong> most favourable circumstances, even without<br />

a civil war, it would have taken time before new links, new<br />

channels, and a new way of managing <strong>the</strong> nation's existence<br />

replaced <strong>the</strong> old ones. Before that happened, so elementary<br />

a process as <strong>the</strong> flow of food from country to town, <strong>the</strong> precondition<br />

of modern civilization, was bound to be disrupted.<br />

The demands for land and bread were not quite compatible.<br />

After <strong>the</strong> large estates had been split, less, not more, bread was_<br />

available to urban workers. To <strong>the</strong> peasants <strong>the</strong> agrarian<br />

revolution was a boon at first. It not only gave <strong>the</strong>m landit<br />

relieved <strong>the</strong>m of <strong>the</strong> burdens of age-old servitude and<br />

debt. But to <strong>the</strong> nation as a whole <strong>the</strong> prospect looked less<br />

promising. Rural Russia was now broken up into 25,000,000<br />

smallholdings, most of which were tiny and worked with antediluvian<br />

tools. The Bolshevik leaders knew that in <strong>the</strong> long run<br />

this spelt economic and social stagnation. They had to encourage<br />

and <strong>the</strong>n to sanction <strong>the</strong> share-out of <strong>the</strong> land, because this was<br />

preferable to <strong>the</strong> old semi-feudal system of tenure, and because<br />

o<strong>the</strong>rwise <strong>the</strong>y would have suffered <strong>the</strong> fate of <strong>the</strong>ir predecessors<br />

in government. But <strong>the</strong>y were from <strong>the</strong> beginning broadly<br />

committed to fos-ter collective ownership in land, to regroup<br />

and merge <strong>the</strong> 25,000,000 smallholdings into relatively few<br />

large, modern, and efficient farms. They could not say when,

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