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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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AT THE DOOR OF HISTORY 77<br />

mcnt. 1 But this was <strong>the</strong> last time that all Iskra men, including <strong>the</strong><br />

future Mensheviks, were in complete accord in defending this<br />

idea, althoµgh perhaps none of <strong>the</strong>m spoke for it as vigorously<br />

as Trotsky did. None of <strong>the</strong>m would have been more surprised<br />

than he if he had been told that a few sessions later he would<br />

angrily renounce his own words. It was, generally speaking, not<br />

Lenin but <strong>the</strong> future leaders of Menshevism, especially Plekhanov,<br />

who at this congress, during <strong>the</strong> debate on <strong>the</strong> programme,<br />

spoke with <strong>the</strong> greatest determination for proletarian<br />

dictatorship. Plekhanov urged <strong>the</strong> delegates to adopt formulas<br />

that left no doubt that in a revolutionary situation <strong>the</strong>y would<br />

not shrink from <strong>the</strong> destruction of parliamentary institutions or<br />

from restricting civil liberties. Salus revolutionis suprema lex eslo­<br />

Plekhanov used <strong>the</strong>se words as his text when he argued that if,<br />

after <strong>the</strong> overthrow of Tsardom, a constituent assembly hostile<br />

to <strong>the</strong> revolutionary government were to be elected, that<br />

government should, after <strong>the</strong> manner of Cromwell, disperse <strong>the</strong><br />

assembly. It was on this principle that Lenin and Trotsky<br />

acted in 1918, unmoved by <strong>the</strong> vituperation of an old and sick<br />

Plekhanov. The latter now also pleaded that <strong>the</strong> revolutionary<br />

government should not abolish capital punishment-it might<br />

need it in order to destroy <strong>the</strong> Tsar. These views evoked one<br />

single protest from an obscure delegate and gave rise to a feeble<br />

doubt in a few o<strong>the</strong>rs, but <strong>the</strong>y were generally received with<br />

acclamation.<br />

Behind <strong>the</strong> scenes, however, <strong>the</strong> solidarity of <strong>the</strong> Iskra men<br />

was beginning to vanish. The discord did not at first appear<br />

over any problem of policy, not even over <strong>the</strong> famous paragraph<br />

1 of <strong>the</strong> statutes, on which <strong>the</strong>y were eventually to divide, but<br />

over a matter in which no principle of policy or organization<br />

was involved. Lenin proposed to reduce <strong>the</strong> number of lrkra's<br />

1<br />

L. Martov, lstorya Rossiiskoi Sotria/-Dmiokratii, pp. 62-72. Martov describes<br />

how much <strong>the</strong> concept of a centralized organization was <strong>the</strong>n 'in <strong>the</strong> air'. The idea<br />

wa• first formulated in detail not by Lenin but by an underground worker in<br />

Petcrsbuq.~. \vbo wrote a lettc:r to J.enin about this, and who after <strong>the</strong> split joined<br />

tfw \1n1sheviks. In thr y

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