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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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'PERMANENT REVOLUTION' 157<br />

broke radically: <strong>the</strong> revolution, he wrote, would conquer long<br />

before <strong>the</strong> majority of <strong>the</strong> nation had become transformed into<br />

proletarians. 1<br />

His appraisal of <strong>the</strong> peasantry was no less sharply opposed to<br />

current opinion. The Mensheviks tended to view <strong>the</strong> small rural<br />

proprietor as a prop of reaction. Their hope was in a coalition<br />

between <strong>the</strong> working class and <strong>the</strong> Liberal bourgeoisie. Lenin,<br />

on <strong>the</strong> contrary, reckoned with <strong>the</strong> muzhiks' revolutionary<br />

energy; but, unlike Trotsky, he would not prejudge its potentialities.<br />

He kept his mind open and waited to see whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong><br />

peasantry would not form its own revolutionary party, with<br />

whom <strong>the</strong> Socialists would have to deal as with an equal partner.<br />

At <strong>the</strong> beginning of 1905, to <strong>the</strong> amusement of Plckhanov,<br />

Trotsky, and Martov, Lenin approached with intense curiosity<br />

and exaggerated hope <strong>the</strong> enigmatic figure of Gapon. He<br />

wondered whe<strong>the</strong>r that priest, <strong>the</strong> son of a Cossack, who had<br />

led <strong>the</strong> workers of <strong>the</strong> capital to <strong>the</strong> Winter Palace and <strong>the</strong>reby<br />

helped to open <strong>the</strong> sluices for <strong>the</strong> revolution, was not <strong>the</strong> harbinger<br />

of an independent and radical peasant movement. 2 Lenin's<br />

formula of a 'democratic dictatorship of <strong>the</strong> proletariat and <strong>the</strong><br />

peasantry' seemed broader and more cautious than Trotsky's<br />

'proletarian dictatorship', and better suited for an association<br />

of Socialists and agrarian revolutionaries. In 1917 events in<br />

Russia were to confirm Trotsky's prognostication. In <strong>the</strong><br />

twenties, however, <strong>the</strong> problem was to be posed anew in<br />

connexion with Communist policy in China; and nearly half<br />

a century after Trotsky had formulated his view, it would be<br />

posed over and over again by <strong>the</strong> revolutions in Asia, in which<br />

<strong>the</strong> relation between <strong>the</strong> urban and <strong>the</strong> rural clements would be<br />

more intricate and blurred than it was in Russia.<br />

So far we have dealt with <strong>the</strong> domestic aspect of <strong>the</strong> revolution.<br />

Its international and domestic aspects were, in Trotsky's<br />

view, closely interwoven. Although <strong>the</strong> peasants would by<br />

Stalin statr.d that in <strong>the</strong> era of 1905 he 'accepted <strong>the</strong> th,-sis familiar among !vlarxi.;;ts,<br />

according w which one of th1.• chit·f conditio1:.;; for <strong>the</strong>\ ictnr:.· of thr- c::oria1ist<br />

n·\·.:>11.r.tion VI.as th~,t tlH' prolr-tari .. lt

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