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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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TROTSKY IN 1905 129<br />

<strong>the</strong> unreality of this people's victory and excited by <strong>the</strong> unfailing<br />

response of <strong>the</strong> crowd and his own unsuspected mastery over it,<br />

concluded: ·<br />

' ... citizens! Our strength is in ourselves. With sword in hand<br />

we must defend freedom. The Tsar's Manifesto, however, ...<br />

see! it is only a scrap of paper.'<br />

With a <strong>the</strong>atrical gesture he flourished <strong>the</strong> Manifesto in front<br />

of <strong>the</strong> crowd and angrily crumpled it in his fist:<br />

'Today it has been given us and tomorrow it will be taken<br />

away and torn into pieces as I am now tearing it into pieces,<br />

this paper-liberty, before your very eyes.''<br />

Thus <strong>the</strong> capital of Russia first heard <strong>the</strong> orator of <strong>the</strong> revolution.<br />

In this speech Trotsky pointed to all <strong>the</strong> fatal weaknesses<br />

which were to frustrate <strong>the</strong> revolution. The Tsar's self-confidence,<br />

but not his massive machine of power, had been shaken.<br />

There was a ferment in <strong>the</strong> <strong>armed</strong> forces, especially in <strong>the</strong> navy.<br />

But <strong>the</strong> Cossacks, <strong>the</strong> Guards, and <strong>the</strong> endless ranks of <strong>the</strong><br />

muzhik infantry were gripped by <strong>the</strong> age-old habit of blind<br />

obedience. Behind <strong>the</strong> army lay rural Russia, its whole<br />

immensity steeped in apathy and despair. The revolution was<br />

still a purely urban affair. And even in <strong>the</strong> towns its triumph<br />

was mixed with fear. The middle classes and <strong>the</strong>ir Liberal<br />

spokesmen, wistfully believing in <strong>the</strong> Tsar's promise of freedom<br />

and uneasy at <strong>the</strong> thought that <strong>the</strong>y owed that promise to <strong>the</strong><br />

workers' general strike, were anxious to stop <strong>the</strong> revolution.<br />

They were haunted by <strong>the</strong> spectre of plebeian 'anarchy', and<br />

by <strong>the</strong> fear that, if<strong>the</strong> revolution went on, <strong>the</strong> Tsar would listen<br />

to those of his advisers who counselled suppression not concession.<br />

'If you do not call off <strong>the</strong> struggle', so <strong>the</strong> Liberals<br />

argued with <strong>the</strong> Socialists, 'our newly-won freedom will prove<br />

illusory.' 'But it is illusory', <strong>the</strong> Socialists retorted. To <strong>the</strong><br />

working class <strong>the</strong> October Manifesto gave a sense not so much<br />

of victory as of strength and an impatience to use that strength<br />

for fur<strong>the</strong>r assaults. Each class intended different aims for <strong>the</strong><br />

movement. The middle classes hoped to gain most from a<br />

constitutional monarchy. The workers were republicans. The<br />

former desired nothing but political freedom. The latter raised<br />

1<br />

L. Trotsky, DU Russischl Revolution 1905, pp. 93-g6.

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