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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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THE PROPHET ARMED<br />

<strong>the</strong> eyes of <strong>the</strong> world he <strong>the</strong>refore bore a major share ofresponsibili<br />

ty for <strong>the</strong> invasion of Georgia.<br />

In <strong>the</strong> Politbureau's behaviour over Poland and Georgia<br />

Trotsky saw mistakes, into which <strong>the</strong> party had blundered as if<br />

in a fit of absent-mindedness. He set his face against both<br />

'mistakes', but he saw no inner connexion and no deeper significance<br />

in <strong>the</strong>m. Up to a point he was right, because <strong>the</strong> party<br />

as a whole had entered <strong>the</strong> road of revolutionary conquest<br />

nei<strong>the</strong>r consciously nor deliberately. The invasion of Georgia<br />

was its only successful step on that road, and <strong>the</strong>re was no lack<br />

of mitigating circumstances. Georgia had, after all, been part of<br />

Russia: it could not survive as a little 'bourgeois island' in <strong>the</strong><br />

Soviet Caucasus. Yet <strong>the</strong>re was an inner connexion between <strong>the</strong><br />

Polish and <strong>the</strong> Georgian ventures, for both marked <strong>the</strong> initiation<br />

of a new current in Bolshevism.<br />

The revolutionary cycle, which <strong>the</strong> First World War had set<br />

in motion, was coming to a close. At <strong>the</strong> beginning of that cycle<br />

Bolshevism had risen on <strong>the</strong> crest of a genuine revolution;<br />

towards its end Bolshevism began to spread revolution by conquest.<br />

A long interval, lasting nearly a quarter of a century,<br />

separates this cycle of revolution from <strong>the</strong> next, which <strong>the</strong><br />

Second World War set in motion. During <strong>the</strong> interval Bolshevism<br />

did not expand. \Vhen <strong>the</strong> next cycle opened, it started where<br />

<strong>the</strong> first had ended, with revolution by conquest. It is a commonplace<br />

in military history that <strong>the</strong>re exists a continuity<br />

between <strong>the</strong> closing phase of one war and <strong>the</strong> opening phase of<br />

<strong>the</strong> next: <strong>the</strong> weapons and <strong>the</strong> ideas on warfare invented or<br />

formed towards <strong>the</strong> end of one <strong>armed</strong> conflict dominate <strong>the</strong><br />

first stage of <strong>the</strong> next conflict. A similar continuity may be seen<br />

to exist between <strong>the</strong> two cycles of revolution. In 1945-6 and<br />

partly even in 1939-40 Stalin began where he, and in a sense he<br />

and Lenin, had left off in 1920-1. Trotsky did not live to witness<br />

<strong>the</strong> momentous chapter which Stalin's revolutionary conquest<br />

has since written in modern history. His attitude towards <strong>the</strong><br />

early symptoms of <strong>the</strong> trend was inconclusive. He was for<br />

revolution and against conquest; but when revolution led to<br />

conquest and conquest promoted revolution, he was confronted<br />

with a dilemma which, from his viewpoint, admitted no satillfactory<br />

solution. H~ did not pre11s his oppositWn to revolutionary<br />

conquest to <strong>the</strong> point-of an open &reach. -On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, he

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