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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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TROTSKY IN THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION 291<br />

<strong>the</strong> Greek Calcnds, and thus <strong>the</strong> insurrection would never take<br />

place as it would be forestalled by a successful counter-revolution.<br />

But he, too, saw <strong>the</strong> Congress of <strong>the</strong> Soviets as <strong>the</strong> constitutional<br />

source of power. Trotsky, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, took it<br />

for granted that <strong>the</strong> Bolsheviks, constituting a majority in <strong>the</strong><br />

Soviets, would actually be <strong>the</strong> ruling party. Nei<strong>the</strong>r of <strong>the</strong>m at<br />

this stage saw any conflict between Soviet constitutionalism and<br />

a Bolshevik dictatorship, just as, mutatis mutandis, no British<br />

democrat sees any conflict between parliamentary rule and <strong>the</strong><br />

cabinet system based on <strong>the</strong> majority party.<br />

The difference between Lenin and Trotsky centred on a much<br />

narrower issue: namely, on whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> rising itself ought to be<br />

conceived in terms of Soviet constitutionalism. The tactical risk<br />

inherent in Trotsky's attitude was that it imposed certain delays<br />

upon <strong>the</strong> whole plan of action. The political disadvantage of<br />

Lenin's approach was that it was likely to narrow <strong>the</strong> popular<br />

appeal of insurrection. Lenin concentrated exclusi\•ely on <strong>the</strong><br />

end to be attained. Trotsky paid more regard to its political<br />

context, to <strong>the</strong> moods of <strong>the</strong> masses, and to <strong>the</strong> need to win over<br />

<strong>the</strong> hesitant elements, who might respond to <strong>the</strong> Soviet's but<br />

not to <strong>the</strong> party's call. The one in hiding had <strong>the</strong> bare and<br />

changeable realities of power before his eyes. The o<strong>the</strong>r weighed,<br />

in addition, <strong>the</strong> moral and political imponderables; and he did<br />

so with <strong>the</strong> confidence that comes from being at <strong>the</strong> centre of<br />

events and dominating <strong>the</strong>m.<br />

This difference was incidental to <strong>the</strong> main controversy<br />

between <strong>the</strong> adherents and <strong>the</strong> opponents of insurrection.<br />

Zinoviev and Kamenev held that Lenin and Trotsky were<br />

plunging <strong>the</strong> party and <strong>the</strong> revolution into a suicidal adventure.<br />

This was one of <strong>the</strong> greatest and most stirring arguments that<br />

had ever rent a party, an argument <strong>the</strong> basic pros and cons of<br />

which were to reappear, in different combinations, in innumerable<br />

future controversies; an argument about which, regardless<br />

of its immediate conclusion, history has perhaps not yet said<br />

its last word. After <strong>the</strong> event, it is easy and natural to say that<br />

<strong>the</strong> advocates of <strong>the</strong> insurrection were right, and its opponents<br />

wrong. In truth, each side presented its case in such a way that<br />

<strong>the</strong> rights were strangely blended with <strong>the</strong> wrongs and <strong>the</strong><br />

realistic assessment of historical prospects was offset by momentous<br />

errors. Lenin and Trotsky assessed Russia's national

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