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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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'PERMANENT REVOLUTION' 155<br />

<strong>the</strong> industrial proletariat would be master. 'Many layers of <strong>the</strong><br />

toiling mass, especially in <strong>the</strong> country, will be dr2wn into <strong>the</strong><br />

revolution and for <strong>the</strong> first time obtain political organization<br />

only after . . . <strong>the</strong> urban proletariat has taken <strong>the</strong> helm of<br />

government.' 1 But even though <strong>the</strong> overthrow of <strong>the</strong> old order<br />

and <strong>the</strong> seizure of power would be <strong>the</strong> work ofa minority, <strong>the</strong><br />

revolution could not survive and consolidate itself unless it<br />

received <strong>the</strong> genuine support of <strong>the</strong> majority, i.e. of <strong>the</strong> peasants.<br />

'The proletariat in power will a/1pear before <strong>the</strong> peasantry as its<br />

liberator." It would, among o<strong>the</strong>r things, sanction <strong>the</strong> seizure<br />

of <strong>the</strong> large estates by <strong>the</strong> peasants. The French peasant had<br />

followed N apolcon, because <strong>the</strong> latter guaranteed his smallholding<br />

against <strong>the</strong> emigre landlord. For <strong>the</strong> same reason <strong>the</strong><br />

Russian peasant would back a proletarian government. That<br />

government, <strong>the</strong>refore, would and would not represent <strong>the</strong> rule<br />

ofa minority. The proletarian minority would form its core and<br />

in all important matters hold <strong>the</strong> initiative. But it would rule<br />

in <strong>the</strong> interest, and enjoy <strong>the</strong> willing support, of an overwhelming<br />

majority.<br />

His conception of <strong>the</strong> peasantry's place in <strong>the</strong> revolutionin<br />

a sense <strong>the</strong> crux of 'Trot~kyism'-was to be <strong>the</strong> centre of<br />

many controversies. The stock accusation levelled against<br />

Trotsky is that he 'underrated' <strong>the</strong> revolutionary potentiality<br />

of <strong>the</strong> Russian peasantry, and denied <strong>the</strong> possibility of an<br />

'alliance' between it and <strong>the</strong> proletariat. For this charge no<br />

support can be found in his own words. We have seen how<br />

emphatically he stated that '<strong>the</strong> proletariat in power will<br />

appear before <strong>the</strong> peasantry as its liberator'. In insisting that <strong>the</strong><br />

Socialists would not merely expropriate <strong>the</strong> landlords but<br />

sanction <strong>the</strong> seizure of <strong>the</strong>ir land by <strong>the</strong> peasants, he went<br />

far<strong>the</strong>r than most Russian Socialists had so far gone. The<br />

Mensheviks held that <strong>the</strong> municipalities should take over <strong>the</strong><br />

gentry's land. Most Bolsheviks, especially Lenin, advocated, in<br />

general terms, nationalization, but not partition of <strong>the</strong> land. 3<br />

If <strong>the</strong> 'alliance" with <strong>the</strong> peasantry is to be understood as <strong>the</strong><br />

I Ibid., p. 41.<br />

' Ibid., p. 4'·<br />

' Of <strong>the</strong> now known Bolshevik leaders only Stalin pleaded in 1906 that <strong>the</strong> party<br />

should pronounce itself in favour of <strong>the</strong> sharing out of <strong>the</strong> large estates among <strong>the</strong><br />

peasants. J. Stalin, Soc/1inenya, vol. i, pp. 21.1-35, 236-8. Sec also I. Deutscher,<br />

Stalin, a Political Biography, pp. 82-83.

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