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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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TROTSKY IN 1905 12!<br />

itself with <strong>the</strong> Prussian king's promise of freedom; how it<br />

had helped <strong>the</strong> autocrat to subdue <strong>the</strong> revolution; and how,<br />

in <strong>the</strong> end, on <strong>the</strong> ebb of <strong>the</strong> revolution, <strong>the</strong> autocrat had<br />

defeated and humiliated liberalism:<br />

But history teaches <strong>the</strong> professors of history nothing. The mistakes<br />

and crimes of liberalism are international. You are repeating what<br />

your predecessors did in <strong>the</strong> same situation half a century ago ....<br />

You are afraid of breaking with <strong>the</strong> Duma, because to you this<br />

constitutional mirage seems real in <strong>the</strong> dry and barren desert<br />

through which Russian liberalism has been wading not for its first<br />

decade .... You, Professor, you will not tell <strong>the</strong> people this. But we<br />

shall. And if you try to debate with us not at liberal banquets but in<br />

front of <strong>the</strong> masses, we shall show that in our crude, harsh, revolutionary<br />

idiom we can be irrefutably convincing and eloquent ....<br />

If <strong>the</strong> revolution does not ebb away, <strong>the</strong> bureaucracy will cling<br />

to you as to its bulwark; and if you really try to become its bulwark,<br />

<strong>the</strong> victorious revolution will throw you overboard ... [if, on <strong>the</strong><br />

o<strong>the</strong>r hand, <strong>the</strong> revolution is defeated, <strong>the</strong>n Tsardom will have no<br />

use for liberalism]. You propose not to be disturbed by <strong>the</strong> voices from<br />

<strong>the</strong> right and <strong>the</strong> voices from <strong>the</strong> left. ... The revolution has not<br />

yet said its last word. With powerful and broad thrusts it lowers <strong>the</strong><br />

edge of its knife over <strong>the</strong> head of absolutism. Let <strong>the</strong> wiseacres of<br />

liberalism beware of putting <strong>the</strong>ir hands under <strong>the</strong> glittering steel<br />

blade. Let <strong>the</strong>m beware.<br />

The style was <strong>the</strong> whole man in this 'Open Letter', at once<br />

scholarly, rhetorical, and implacable. In his attitude towards<br />

liberalism he was akin to Lenin. But Lenin had little or no<br />

inclination to engage in a direct ideological dialogue with<br />

liberalism, while Trotsky felt <strong>the</strong> need for a constant confrontation<br />

between revolutionary socialism and liberalism. He conducted<br />

this dialogue now, and he would do so to <strong>the</strong> end of his<br />

life, not because he had broken less decisively than Lenin with<br />

bourgeois liberalism, but in part because he was more aware<br />

of its attraction. Lenin instructed and led his followers, and in a<br />

sense preached to <strong>the</strong> converted, while Trotsky addressed <strong>the</strong><br />

Liberal spokesmen directly and dissected and countered <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

arguments before large and undecided audiences. The dialogue<br />

with <strong>the</strong> adversary also best suited his polemical temperament<br />

and his dialectical style. Not for nothing was <strong>the</strong> Open Letter<br />

his favourite form of expression.<br />

He addressed thus directly <strong>the</strong> most diverse audiences, speak-

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