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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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68 THE PROPHET ARMED<br />

lending support to <strong>the</strong> Tsar's 'civilizing mission' in Turkey,<br />

why 'do not <strong>the</strong>y call for a crusade against <strong>the</strong> barbarians ... of<br />

Tsardom ?' The semi-liberal opposition, 'that lawful opposition<br />

to a lawless government' was already, and would remain for<br />

many years, <strong>the</strong> favourite butt of his irony.' In <strong>the</strong> Zemstvos,<br />

whose function it should be to judge <strong>the</strong> actions of <strong>the</strong> administration,<br />

<strong>the</strong> 'defendant in fact as1mmes <strong>the</strong> role of <strong>the</strong> presiding<br />

judge and arrogates <strong>the</strong> right to adjourn <strong>the</strong> court at any<br />

moment'. Tsardom was offering <strong>the</strong> Zemstvos '<strong>the</strong> krwut wrapped<br />

in <strong>the</strong> parchment of Magna Charta', and <strong>the</strong> Zemstvos were<br />

contented. What do <strong>the</strong>y understand by freedom-'freedom<br />

from political freedom?' 'One may confidently say that if<br />

Russian freedom were to be born from <strong>the</strong> Zemstvos, it would<br />

never come to life. Fortunately Russian freedom has more<br />

reliable parents: <strong>the</strong> revolutionary proletariat and <strong>the</strong> inner,<br />

self-destructive logic of Russian absolutism.' 'Many political<br />

trends will succeed one ano<strong>the</strong>r, many "parties" will emerge and<br />

fade, each pretending to improve upon <strong>the</strong> Social Democratic<br />

programme and tactics, but <strong>the</strong> future historian will say: <strong>the</strong>se<br />

trends and <strong>the</strong>se parties were only insignificant, secondary<br />

incidents in <strong>the</strong> great struggle of <strong>the</strong> awakened working class<br />

•.. already advancing with c.lumsy but faithful steps on <strong>the</strong><br />

road of political and social emancipation.' 2<br />

In a similar vein he wrote about <strong>the</strong> Tsar's attempts to force<br />

<strong>the</strong> Russian language on <strong>the</strong> Finns and to destroy <strong>the</strong>ir autonomy;<br />

<strong>the</strong> expulsion of Maxim Gorky from <strong>the</strong> Imperial<br />

Academy; <strong>the</strong> futility of <strong>the</strong> newly formed Social Revolutionary<br />

party, reverting to Narodnik terrorism; or <strong>the</strong> attempt by <strong>the</strong><br />

police to set up puppet clandestine organizations to compete<br />

with <strong>the</strong> real underground. His attacks on <strong>the</strong> terrorism of <strong>the</strong><br />

Social Revolutionaries, especially one made after <strong>the</strong> execution<br />

of a young student Balmashev, who had killed Sypiagin, <strong>the</strong><br />

Minister of <strong>the</strong> Interior, provoked indignant protests from<br />

Liberals and Socialists. The Liberal intelligentsia had much<br />

more sympathy with <strong>the</strong> terrorists than had <strong>the</strong> Marxists. But<br />

1<br />

Iskra, no. 28, 15 November and no. 29, r December 1902. It is noteworthy that<br />

as early as March 1901 Trotsky wrote in <strong>the</strong> Eastern Review; 'Pure liberalism with<br />

all its Manchester symbols of faith has faded in our country before it has blossomed:<br />

it did not find any social ground for itself. It was possible to import Manchester<br />

ideas ... but it was impossible to import <strong>the</strong> social environment which produced<br />

those ideas.' Sochinenya, vol. xx, pp. 85-86.<br />

2<br />

Iskra, no. 29, 1 December 1902.

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