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isaac-deutscher-the-prophet-armed-trotsky-1879-1921

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Igo<br />

THE PROPHET ARMED<br />

vigilant watchiug over <strong>the</strong>ir own purity .. .', at <strong>the</strong> prier, that is,<br />

of an orthodoxy in rcbrllion opposrd to official orthodoxy.<br />

Thus <strong>the</strong>y came to develop 'that zeal for <strong>the</strong> letter, which can<br />

sometimrs be observed in our intellectuals of <strong>the</strong> most extreme<br />

wing'. It was <strong>the</strong> misfortune of <strong>the</strong> intelligentsia that <strong>the</strong>y had<br />

always had to act as proxy for undeveloped and passive social<br />

forces. Herc Trotsky set in a long historical perspective <strong>the</strong><br />

phrnomenon of 'substitutism' about which he had first written<br />

in his polemics against Lenin in 1904. 1 He now saw <strong>the</strong> intelligentsia's<br />

'substitutism' running like a thread through Russian<br />

history. First, <strong>the</strong> leaders of <strong>the</strong> Deccmbrist rising of 1825<br />

represented <strong>the</strong> ideas of an as yet unborn middle class. Then <strong>the</strong><br />

Narodrziks tried to speak for a mute and dumb peasantry. Lastly<br />

<strong>the</strong> Marxist intellectuals set <strong>the</strong>mselves up as <strong>the</strong> spokesmen<br />

of a weak, only just awakening industrial working class. To all<br />

of <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong> idea of <strong>the</strong> class was more important than <strong>the</strong> class<br />

itself. He rounded off this gloomy survey in a more hopeful<br />

tone, saying that <strong>the</strong> revolution of 1905-6 had set in motion<br />

<strong>the</strong> mass of <strong>the</strong> workers and that henceforward nobody could<br />

act as <strong>the</strong>ir proxy: this was <strong>the</strong> end of substitutism. 2<br />

' We shall see later whe<strong>the</strong>r or to what extent this optimistic<br />

conclusion was justified; substitutism was to reassert itself with<br />

unparalleled strength after <strong>the</strong> revolution, and <strong>the</strong> idea of <strong>the</strong><br />

class was <strong>the</strong>n to become for a long time more important than<br />

<strong>the</strong> class itself. Some of <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r long trends of Russian history,<br />

which Trotsky grasped here with such mastery, were also<br />

to come overwhelmingly to <strong>the</strong> surface after <strong>the</strong> revolution.<br />

What is at this stage of our narrative more relevant is <strong>the</strong> selfrevealing<br />

acuteness with which Trotsky contrasted <strong>the</strong> 'sunlit<br />

zone of European ideology', '<strong>the</strong> vaulting arcs' and '<strong>the</strong> gothic<br />

spires and lacework' of western civilization with <strong>the</strong> barbarous<br />

'log cabin' of Russian history. This contrast was greatly overdrawn,<br />

not in historical perspective, where it was broadly true,<br />

but in its concluding and contemporary part. The lacework<br />

fac;ade of European civilization before 191

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