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BRITISH IDENTITY AND THE GERMAN OTHER A Dissertation ...

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that with the rise of Conservative English nationalism in response to Scottish and Welsh<br />

devolution a turning inward has taken place since the 1980s. Paul Ward saw in the British<br />

Nationality Act of 1981 a politics of racial exclusion based on an immigrant’s perceived capacity<br />

to imbibe English domestic virtues, a policy that favored Jews over West Indian blacks. 82<br />

Krishnan Kumar and Richard Weight warned that English nationalism risks being hijacked by<br />

soccer hooligans waving the red and white flag of St. George or becoming aligned with<br />

reactionary racism along the lines of Enoch Powell’s 1960s rhetorical attack on anti-<br />

discrimination legislation. 83 On the other hand, Weight located in England’s libertarian heritage<br />

and parliamentary democracy the proper cure for resuscitating a more radical patriotism. Kumar<br />

argued that nostalgic cultural definitions of Englishness, from fox-hunting to exclusive ruralism,<br />

racial or linguistic purity or any sense of “owning” past cultural achievements should not be<br />

politicized. “A public, institutional definition of Englishness,” he added, would embrace and<br />

elucidate English civic principles simply taken for granted in Britishness. 84<br />

and 1983, respectively.<br />

Temporal and Spatial Difference in British and German Identities<br />

The importance of official histories and territorial boundaries in defining cultural and<br />

political identities dates back to the ancient Hebrews and Greeks, as Hans Kohn argued, and such<br />

temporal and spatial conceptions varied considerably in British and German orientations. In<br />

82 Britishness since 1870 (London; New York: Routledge, 2004), 126.<br />

83 Kumar, The Making of English National Identity, 252, 267-68. Weight, “Raise St.<br />

George’s Standard High,” New Statesman and Society, 8 January 1999, 25-27.<br />

84 Kumar, 270.<br />

102

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