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BRITISH IDENTITY AND THE GERMAN OTHER A Dissertation ...

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supposed “right to take back the scattered members of the Germanic family,” a pointed allusion<br />

to the German annexation of Alsace-Lorraine in 1871. 14 Renan asserted place and history as the<br />

main criteria for nationality in opposition to the ethnolinguistic determinism of German writers,<br />

notably nationalist historian Heinrich von Treitschke who sought to legitimate German<br />

occupation of former French territory on that basis. Treitschke’s argument coopted elements of<br />

the organic tradition built upon Johann Gottfried von Herder’s definition of nations as<br />

historically continuous and autonomous ethnic, linguistic and cultural communities. But while<br />

Herder’s defense of cultural pluralism and relativism did not preclude his own cosmopolitan,<br />

humanitarian and pacifist Enlightenment values, later writers adopted a more chauvinistic tone. 15<br />

In particular, Johann Gottlieb Fichte’s nationalistic and antisemitic Addresses to the German<br />

Nation (1807-8), written and delivered under the pall of French occupation, denigrated “neo-<br />

Latin” European countries that had inherited the dead language and corrupt culture of Rome.<br />

Fichte extolled German language and culture for reflecting the “living spirit” of a people and<br />

wrote that Germans alone, as the original Teutonic people described by the Roman historian<br />

Tacitus in 98 CE, “had retained all the virtues of which their country had formerly been the<br />

14 Qu’est-ce qu’une nation?, originally delivered on 11 March 1882 at the Sorbonne, also<br />

appeared in Discours et Conferences (Paris: Calman-Lévy, 1887), 277-310, excerpted in Kohn,<br />

Nationalism: Meaning and History, 136-138. See also Smith, Nationalism, 35-38.<br />

15 Isaiah Berlin, Vico and Herder: Two Studies in the History of Ideas (New York: Viking,<br />

1976), 156-58, refused to label Herder a revolutionary-turned-reactionary patriot/romantic<br />

irrationalist according to a commonly perceived German response to the Jacobin Terror and<br />

Napoleonic wars. Berlin asked ironically, “Was not this the path pursued by Fichte (above all<br />

Fichte), Görres, Novalis and the Schlegels, Schleiermacher and Tieck, Gentz and Schelling, and<br />

to some degree even by the great libertarian Schiller?”<br />

40

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