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BRITISH IDENTITY AND THE GERMAN OTHER A Dissertation ...

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parts of South Africa and occupied Egypt, thus became embroiled in the “scramble” to draw<br />

lines on maps of Africa favorable to national security and prestige. Germany’s actions also<br />

stimulated demands from British merchants for more government intervention in favor of British<br />

markets threatened by native uprisings and the designs of foreign rivals. Anglo-German colonial<br />

rivalry therefore became an important component of the new “imperialism of free trade” that<br />

gilded the chess game of international strategy, despite the fact that in Africa the commercial<br />

interests of Britain and Germany dovetailed in opposition to French and Portuguese<br />

protectionism. 11 Concerns over German colonial aims also gave impetus to the steady growth of<br />

Liberal imperialism and played a crucial role in stirring popular enthusiasm for empire, which<br />

culminated in what James Sturgis has called the “almost monolithic imperialist stance of the<br />

metropolitan press in 1900.” 12 During Gladstone’s second ministry fault lines had developed<br />

within the Liberal party between “Palmerstonians,” anxious to maintain Britain’s imperial<br />

Cape Colony on the east side in order to block German access to the landlocked Transvaal. In<br />

1888 the British East Africa Company was granted a charter in response to German incursions<br />

into Sultan of Zanzibar’s dominions. See Goodlad, British Foreign and Imperial Policy, 33-34.<br />

11 William G. Hynes, The Economics of Empire: Britain, Africa and the New Imperialism<br />

1870-95 (London, Longman Group, 1979), 68-69, 73-77, notes the lobbying efforts of the<br />

Manchester cotton merchants and other groups seeking guarantees of free trade in response to the<br />

encroachment of foreign rivals on colonial markets. Pressure from commercial groups reacting<br />

to fears of recession, overproduction and the need for new markets also motivated the British<br />

annexation of Upper Burma in 1886, which was justified as a means of protecting India (pp. 54-<br />

55). David McLean, in “Finance and ‘Informal Empire’ before the First World War,” Economic<br />

History Review, n.s. 29, no. 2 (May 1976): 295-305, argues that British “free trade imperialism”<br />

in Turkey, Persia and China adhered to the strategy of achieving political influence, and<br />

thwarting German or French influence, through the support of British commercial and financial<br />

ventures in an attempt to exercise “control without formal responsibility” (p. 305).<br />

12 Sturgis refers to the years from 1892 to 1902 as a “decade of conscious imperialism.”<br />

See “Britain and the New Imperialism,” in British Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century, ed.<br />

C.C. Eldridge, (New York: St. Martin’s, 1984), 93, 96.<br />

115

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