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BRITISH IDENTITY AND THE GERMAN OTHER A Dissertation ...

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domestic and international politics have been explored. William Bloom referred to Abraham<br />

Maslow’s hierarchy of needs theory—a five-tier pyramid rising from basic physiological needs,<br />

to security, love, self-esteem and self-actualization—in order to illustrate the limits of coercion in<br />

the reciprocal relationship between leaders and led in constructing national identity. In short,<br />

citizen loyalty depends upon the perception of state legitimacy. 50 Bloom postulated a “national<br />

identity dynamic” that rallies public opinion in favor of foreign policies that either address<br />

perceived threats to, or somehow enhance, national identity. Domestic political competitions<br />

and, more explicitly, foreign policy decisions hinge on which candidate or party can tap public<br />

concerns about national security and/or national prestige. 51 The “national interest,” from<br />

Bloom’s perspective, too easily becomes a rationalization vulnerable to political manipulation<br />

and “has no conceptual use as a tool for ranking foreign policy priorities.” 52 Even worse,<br />

national identity harbors an atavistic warrior culture mentality of not showing weakness to the<br />

enemy and therefore impedes the “‘sacred’ communication and ritual of diplomats” that would<br />

otherwise allow for a realignment of positions without loss of prestige. 53 Bloom apparently sees<br />

the national identity dynamic as a double-edged sword that can be appropriated for propaganda<br />

50 Personal Identity, National Identity and International Relations (Cambridge:<br />

Cambridge University Press, 1990), 16, 23, 55-56, 64.<br />

51 Ibid., 79-81.<br />

52 Ibid., 84.<br />

53 Ibid., 154. While Bloom distanced himself from the “ideal” of secret or insular<br />

diplomacy, even if it were possible, and rightly observed the dangerous and obstructionist<br />

potential of a politicized foreign policy, his contention that “successful” nation-building<br />

cultivates an attitude of “my country right or wrong” seems disturbingly Machiavellian (pp. 58,<br />

157).<br />

53

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