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BRITISH IDENTITY AND THE GERMAN OTHER A Dissertation ...

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Dangerfield’s famous phrase, the “strange death of Liberal England” that came in the form of<br />

Liberal imperialism shattered both Little Englander and Germanophilic idealism from the Left. 36<br />

Dangerfield specifically referred to the British public’s self-indulgent release of inner tension<br />

through melodramatic scenarios of a German invasion:<br />

. . . what could be more exciting than to gather all the political rages, all the class hatreds,<br />

all the fevers for spending and excitement and speed, which then seemed to hang like a<br />

haunted fog over England—to gather them and condense them into one huge shape and<br />

call it Germany? 37<br />

Nothing illustrates this internal conflict between imperialism and Liberal Germanophilia better<br />

than the political career of Joseph Chamberlain. Chamberlain began as a Radical reformer in the<br />

1870's, split with Gladstone as a Liberal Unionist in 1886 over the issue of Irish Home Rule, and<br />

as a champion of imperial-social and tariff reform, became a lay participant in the “squalid<br />

argument” that galvanized Liberal and Free Trader opposition in 1903. 38 As Colonial Secretary<br />

under Salisbury’s third Conservative ministry Chamberlain advocated an alliance with Germany<br />

in both 1898 and 1899, only to be rebuffed at home and abroad. In 1901-2 he wound up publicly<br />

trading insults with the German Chancellor, Bernard von Bülow, in a bitter exchange concerning<br />

British soldierly conduct during the Boer War that reverberated in the patriotic presses of both<br />

36 Hobsbawm, Age of Empire, 189-90, argues that the phrase might be extended to include<br />

western Europe because imperialism generally undermined bourgeois liberalism.<br />

37 The Strange Death of Liberal England, (New York: Capricorn Books, 1935), 119.<br />

38 The Liberal reaction came in response to Chamberlain’s Glasgow speech of October 6,<br />

1903 which implied that imperial preference would benefit England by keeping colonies at the<br />

status of non-industrial, primary producers. Cited in Bernard Semmel, Imperialism and Social<br />

Reform: English Social-Imperial Thought 1895-1914 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,<br />

1960), 93, in a discussion of Chamberlain’s transformation from Benthamite social reformer to<br />

imperialist tariff reformer.<br />

14

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