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THE UNIVERSITY OF LEIPZIG

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far as ownership is concerned. As a result several administrative divisions exist. This lack of<br />

coordination is visible and even multiplied at the policy level. 491 The case of Kenya Wildlife<br />

Services and the Forest Services affords a glowing example.<br />

Institutional disorder creates uncertainty, resulting into an unclear organizational mandate. 492<br />

For instance, prior to 1988, parks were managed as a government department. From 1989–<br />

1991 they were transferred to a corporate management organisation as a body incorporating<br />

some form of community involvement. However, this was not achieved because the basis of<br />

this shift was partly a philosophical one involving the concept of "parks without borders", yet<br />

at the same time maintaining the fines and fences paradigm. 493<br />

Private or communal ownership of biodiversity is linked to land ownership. 494 This is difficult<br />

to regulate given the obscure regulatory legislation. This arises out of the fact that land has a<br />

multiplicity of uses and users. 495 It will be recalled that this is very typical of common pool<br />

resources and linked to Hardin’s tragedy of commons. As expected, it leads to inequities,<br />

uncertainties of various kinds as well as conflicts, given the fact that land ownership rights are<br />

in most cases skewed. 496 Furtherstill, it is important to note that when we talk of private<br />

ownership of biodiversity, we are inadvertently linking biodiversity to land rights which leads<br />

to unmitigated tapping and unregulated usage by the varied sections of society. This has far<br />

reaching repercussions on conservation efforts especially in the rural areas. It is further<br />

complicated by the fact that up to 80% of the populations in these areas use the land for<br />

cultivation and other livelihood activities. 497<br />

Efforts to control the over exploitation of the nation’s biodiversity have already focused on<br />

the regulation through the legal and administrative control over its usage. These attempts have<br />

seen the amending of several of the existing legislative regimes that indirectly relate to<br />

biodiversity. These amendments include the new Forest Act, the amended Wildlife Act, the<br />

Water Act, the Timber Act, the Agriculture Act, the Environment Management and<br />

Coordination Act, the Chiefs Authority Act, the Tress pass Act and the Mining Act among<br />

others. Within these acts, issues relating to biodiversity ownership are still not well defined, a<br />

fact that renders their implementation an insurmountable task. For instance, like we noted<br />

earlier, private and local owners of biodiversity view it in form of land ownership. This makes<br />

it hard to draw a distinction between community land, public or private land. Sometimes the<br />

state has prevailed and used this complex situation to retain ownership of community land in<br />

491 Fischer, E. 1996. Habitat Conservation Planning under Endangered Species Act: No Suprises and the Quest<br />

for uncertainty. University of Columbia Land Tenure Review 76:371-405.<br />

492 Ostrom, E. 1986. An Agenda for the Study of Institutions. Public Choice 48(1): 3-25.<br />

493 KIFCON. 1994. Opcit.<br />

494<br />

Ibid.<br />

495<br />

Okowa-Bennun, P and M.Mwangi. 1996. Land Tenure and Forest Resource Management in Kenya. In In<br />

Land We Trust: Environment, Private Property and Constitutional Change in Kenya, edited by Juma C. and<br />

J.B. Ojwang, 175-198. Nairobi/London Zed Books.<br />

496<br />

Bromely, D.W. 1995. Natural Resources Issues in Environmental Policy in South Africa. Madison:<br />

University of Winscosin, Land Tenure Centre.<br />

497<br />

David, S. 1997. House hold Economy and Traditional Agro-Forestry Systems in Western Kenya. Agriculture<br />

and Human Values.14:169-79.<br />

103

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